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Two Palestinian men stand amidst the rubble of Tayseer Al-Batsh's family
house, destroyed in an Israeli air strike in Gaza City
(REUTERS/Mohammed Salem)
Palestinians die in the most cynical of all military games
July 13, 2014
Lost amid the carnage, the key fact about the latest
Israeli-Palestinian conflagration remains largely unrecognised: Egypt’s
new and pivotal role. Egypt has always been the default broker between
Israel and Hamas, since it is able to deal with Hamas without according
it any greater international and diplomatic legitimacy.
But this time it’s different. It’s no longer about Egypt playing a
crucial mediating role. Instead, Hamas is mainly seeking to extract
concessions not from Tel Aviv or Ramallah, but from Cairo. Hamas,
or more likely loosely affiliated rogue elements based in Hebron,
deliberately lit a fire by kidnapping and murdering three Israeli
teenagers. This unleashed a brutal series of tit-for-tat attacks between
Israelis and Palestinians that spiralled out of control.
Certainly, the Palestinian Authority based in Ramallah had no
control over what was going on in occupied East Jerusalem, let alone
unrest among Palestinian citizens of Israel. The Israeli
government, too, clearly lost control of the situation when fanatics
grabbed an innocent teenager and tortured and burnt him to death. Even
Israel’s security forces seemed to be acting beyond any bounds of
restraint as they brutally beat a 15-year-old Palestinian-American
cousin of the murder victim.
Passions ruled the day. Years of incitement and frustration on both sides boiled over. As
rocket attacks on southern Israel from Gaza increased, it also seemed
that Hamas leaders perhaps didn’t control their own military, and
certainly not that of other, more extreme groups like Islamic Jihad.
Yet Hamas sought some kind of benefit in the chaos. As
Israeli forces carried out a brutal crackdown in the West Bank aimed at
severely degrading the Hamas presence there, rounding up hundreds of
captives and terrifying villagers across the area, Hamas attempted to
whip up a third intifada in order to gain a greater foothold beyond
Gaza. This failed, largely because most Palestinians didn’t want another
uprising because they still recall the consequences of the last one.
So Hamas was dealt a serious blow in the West Bank but remained in
the parlous condition in which it had begun. It was broke. It was
isolated. It had instituted an agreement with Fatah, but gained nothing.
It was smarting under a major and unrelenting crackdown from Egypt. It
was experiencing “an identity crisis”, and a tactical and strategic
dead-end. Hamas had to do something.
So it fell back on its most familiar territory: rocket attacks
against Israel designed to provoke an overreaction. The Israeli military
knew better. They recalled previous violent exchanges with Hamas as
strategically useless, and indeed highly counterproductive for Israel’s
international image and strategic posture. But prime minister Benjamin
Netanyahu allowed himself to be sucked into a brutal bombardment
campaign with no clear endgame.
Now ordinary people in Gaza are dying again in large numbers. More
than 160 have been killed, mostly civilians and many of them children.
And significant apparent atrocities sear the conscience. Some
argue that the innocent people of Gaza are all Hamas’s “human shields”.
But 1.7 million people living in wretched poverty in one of the most
overpopulated places on earth cannot be reduced to that kind of
instrumental dehumanisation.
Hamas has three public demands, and if it doesn’t achieve any of
them when a ceasefire is finally secured, it will have suffered a
massive political and military defeat, although Israel, too, will not
benefit. It’s a perfect example of a lose-lose scenario.
Hamas seeks the release of “security prisoners” rearrested by
Israel. But more importantly, Hamas has demands on Egypt. It wants the
permanent reopening of the Rafah crossing between Gaza and Egypt. And it
wants Egypt to facilitate the transfer of badly needed funds from Qatar
and other sponsors. Simply, it wants to force Egypt to change its
policies.
But why would Abdel Fattah El Sisi, the new Egyptian president,
charge to the rescue of Hamas, the Muslim Brotherhood in Palestine? The
Egyptian authorities, and much of the population, view Hamas as
co-conspirators in the terrorist campaign in their own country. The
Egyptian military has virtually shut down Gaza smuggling tunnels. They
reportedly killed some two dozen Hamas operatives in northern Sinai who
were allegedly acting in cahoots with the terrorists there.
So Mr El Sisi and company are showing no interest in Hamas’s demands
on them. Egypt is very slowly inching toward its familiar role of
mediator and ceasefire broker due to humanitarian impulses, public
pressure and a prudent concern about containing the growing chaos in
Gaza.
Mr El Sisi met the Middle East Quartet envoy Tony Blair recently to
begin to explore the prospects. But Cairo certainly doesn’t seem to be
rushing to bail out Hamas, or Mr Netanyahu for that matter, for now. Mr
Netanyahu and Israel are probably as interested in a rapid ceasefire as
is Hamas, since they achieved what they wanted to strategically in the
West Bank before they found the bodies of the teenagers (who they knew
all along were dead).
But Israel, like Hamas, is trapped in a conflict neither probably
wanted and neither seem likely to gain anything from. Meanwhile, the
price is paid in blood, misery and suffering by the innocent
Palestinians of Gaza, playthings in the most cynical of vicious games.
Hussein Ibish, PhD Senior Fellow American Task Force on Palestinehttp://www.americantaskforce.org/ Mobile: +1 (202) 438-7297 Twitter: @ibishblog
Skype: hussein.ibish LinkedIn: http://www.linkedin.com/pub/hussein-ibish/48/206/725 Blog: http://www.ibishblog.com/
***
Reasonable voices & helpful resources
...America for Palestine 2014
ATFP provides an independent voice for Palestinian-Americans and
their supporters and advances human rights and peace. It categorically
and unequivocally condemns all violence against civilians, no matter the cause and who the victims or perpetrators may be.
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