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Tuesday, November 3, 2009

Funding shortfall for United Nations Palestine Refugee Agency risks suspension of essential services before end of year, agency head tells Fourth Comm

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Funding shortfall for United Nations Palestine Refugee Agency risks suspension of essential services before end of year, agency head tells Fourth Committee


GA/SPD/441

Sixty-fourth General Assembly
Fourth Committee
21st Meeting (PM)

Commissioner-General, Noting Retirement at End of 2009, Says Israeli-Palestinian Conflict 'Remains Resistant to Solution', Despite Clarity of Settlement Components

The most immediate challenge facing the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) was a funding shortfall that risked a suspension of essential services, the Agency's head said this afternoon, as the Fourth Committee (Special Political and Decolonization) launched its annual consideration of the Agency's work.

The anticipated shortfall, likely to persist into 2010, against the "bare minimum" operational budget was $12 million, said UNRWA'sCommissioner-General, Karen Koning AbuZayd. Barring a contribution of that amount, the Agency would not be able to pay salaries for its staff before the end of the year, preventing it from providing even basic services to the refugee communities.

She said that the funding sought to cover the deficit would allow UNRWA merely to continue to carry out its basic services, by paying salaries and officerunning costs. A much larger funding gap of $84 million remained in the approved regular budget, which covered the costs of much-needed activities, such as camp improvements, housing repairs, school-furniture replacement, and general maintenance. It was discouraging that three years into a strategic, results-based reform process to strengthen UNRWA's effectiveness, the Agency found itself again appealing for resources to avoid a crippling of its operations.

UNRWA's dire financial situation stood in sharp contrast to the reaffirmation of support for the Agency and the Palestine refugees at the highlevel event at Headquarters on 24 September to mark the Agency's sixtieth anniversary. That event had underscored the Agency's continuing relevance and validity in the conflict-prone region, and she hoped it would galvanize increased donor support that the Agency so desperately needed to enhance its over-stretched structures and enable it to better serve the refugees. Yet, while that high-level event was a basis for optimism, the explosion of violence in Gaza that ushered in the past year had cast a shadow over the region, the Palestine refugees and UNRWA.

The military offensive launched by Israel in Gaza on 27 December 2008 had been unprecedented in the recent history of the conflict, she said. By the time the ceasefire had been declared on 18 January 2009, 1,387 Palestinians had lost their lives, among them, 313 children, according to non-governmental sources. Thirteen Israelis had also been killed during that period. More than 5,000 homes had been destroyed or damaged, leaving approximately 50,000 people homeless. Civilian infrastructure, including hospitals, United Nations schools and clinics, factories, farms, and water and electrical systems had also sustained damage.

UNRWA's Quick Response Plan for Gaza, launched in January, had received a record amount for an UNRWA appeal in the Occupied Territory, with pledges amounting to almost $250 million of the $371 million requested. Support for that plan had been truly global, attracting a number of new donors, both Governmental and non-governmental. The solidarity shown by civil society in the Middle East had been particularly gratifying. The Agency's largest traditional donors, the United States and the European Commission, had also been exceptionally generous, contributing a combined total of more than $110 million.

However, she said that the continuing blockade of Gaza's border was of grave concern to UNRWA and to the United Nations family. That blockade limited humanitarian access, restricted the import of virtually all construction materials needed to re-build a shattered infrastructure, and had effectively shut down the Gazan private sector. The number of refugees in Gaza classified as "abject poor" had tripled in the last year, to 300,000.

The West Bank remained a "shattered economic space" due to the separation barrier, its associated obstacles and administrative restrictions, which prevented the flourishing of a sustainable Palestinian economy, she said. The area remained splintered to a point where its integrity as a viable socio-economic and political unit was deeply compromised. The "intricate web" of Israeli measures "whittled away" the living space and resources available to Palestinians.

Noting her upcoming retirement from her post at the end of 2009, she said that in tragic contrast to the resolution of a number of protracted refugee situations, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remained resistant to solution, despite the clarity of its components: an end to occupation, Palestinian selfdetermination, and security guarantees for both Palestinians and Israelis.

On a more positive note, she said that UNRWA remained acutely aware of its status as a temporary Agency and would one day, when a negotiated settlement was reached, hand over the tasks it currently undertook to a professional cadre of tens of thousands of well-trained Palestinians who were committed to the values of the United Nations.

In an interactive dialogue following Ms. AbuZayd's remarks, Permanent Observer of Palestine to the United Nations, Riyad Mansour, praised UNRWA's work, saying that were it not for the Agency, the Palestinian people would not be able to survive the "onslaught and aggression" committed by Israel in the Gaza Strip. Highlighting the Agency's financial emergencies, he appealed to "the many people around the globe" who were capable of helping as part of a collective humanitarian responsibility.

As the first speaker in the ensuing general debate, the observer for Palestine, Feda Abdelhady-Nasser, stressed that the occasion of UNRWA's sixtieth anniversary was cause for solemn reflection about the longstanding plight and continuing hardship of the Palestine refugees as a result of the denial of their rights, and thus the reason for the establishment and continued existence of the Agency.

Instead of a true commitment to peacemaking, the past year had witnessed Israel's continued intransigence, its violations of international law, including humanitarian and human rights law, and the infliction of further harm and suffering on the Palestine refugee population, she said. Israel's continued imposition of its immoral, inhumane, unlawful blockade in collective punishment of the entire population -– by which it had impeded humanitarian access, prohibited the import of essential goods and all exports, and severely restricted the movement of persons –- had ensured that the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip continued to live in misery amid the ruins of their homes and communities, intensifying their deprivation and hardship and inflaming feelings of injustice.

In order for there to be peace and stability, she said, Israel's flagrant impunity must be ended, and international law, human rights and justice must prevail. Expressing gratitude to UNRWA and to all United Nations agencies and humanitarian organizations working together to assist the Palestine refugees, she stressed that UNRWA's work in all fields of operation clearly remained necessary, pending the attainment of a just, lasting solution.

While speakers in the afternoon debate were unanimous in their praise of UNRWA's work, they expressed concern regarding its financial stability. The representative of Norway, which had held the chairmanship of UNRWA's Advisory Commission from July 2008 to July 2009, said that the growing refugee population - which was increasing by 2.4 per cent annually –- and the further deterioration of the economic situation in UNRWA's mandate area, had caused a steady increase in demand for UNRWA's services, but there had been little change in available funding. Consequently, UNRWA had depleted its working capital in the last few years, and earlier this year, had posted a budget gap of $87 million for 2009.

Norway had taken several initiatives to secure funding from a broader donor base during its chairmanship of the Commission, he said, but projections for the coming years were unpromising, to say the least. Unless a permanent solution to the funding of UNRWA was found, there would still be the same urgent problem and ad-hoc response every year from now on.

A first and important step would be to enhance the resource base, he said, because currently, only 15 States contributed more than 90 per cent of the funding for UNRWA's general fund. Those States had all indicated that they had reached the limit for how much they were prepared to provide, which meant that additional regular contributions needed to come from new donors. Another next step would be to ensure that a greater share of UNRWA's funding came from the United Nations regular budgets, which would make the Agency's own financial status more predictable, thus resulting in a more equitable burden-sharing.

Along those lines, Switzerland's representative said that in the interest of peace and stability in the region, Member States had a collective responsibility to ensure that UNRWA was able to discharge its mandate. If the situation of its already critical accumulated structural budget deficit was not remedied, the Agency would be forced to further curtail its services to the refugee communities, and additional staff reductions and deteriorating working conditions for its 30,000 employees would become unavoidable. She also urged the swift passage of reconstruction material, as well as basic and humanitarian assistance, into Gaza.

Also speaking during the general debate were the representatives of Sweden (on behalf of the European Union), Cuba, South Africa, Switzerland, United Arab Emirates, Syria, Qatar, Viet Nam, Jordan and Saudi Arabia.

Norway's representative also briefed the Committee in his capacity as Rapporteur of the Working Group on the Financing of UNRWA.

The representatives of Syria, Egypt and Lebanon also participated in the interactive dialogue with Ms. AbuZayd.

The Fourth Committee will meet again at 3 p.m. tomorrow, 3 November, to continue its general debate on the work of UNRWA.

Background

The Fourth Committee (Special Political and Decolonization) met today to begin its consideration of the work of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA).

On the subject of UNRWA, the Committee had before it the report of the Commissioner-General of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (document A/64/13), covering the period from 1 January to 31 December 2008. UNRWA was established in 1949 to contribute to the human development of Palestine refugees in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria, until a just solution is found to the refugee issue. The Agency fulfils this purpose by providing a variety of essential services within the framework of international standards. These services include education, health, relief and social services, and microfinance and microenterprise.

According to the report, in 2008 the Occupied Palestinian Territory continued to experience the most dramatic developments in the Agency's area of operations. In the Gaza Strip, the year began and ended with major conflicts. The blockade imposed by Israel in June 2007 after the Hamas takeover and the dissolution of the Palestinian National Unity Government by President Mahmoud Abbas seriously affected all aspects of Palestinian life, even though it allowed for the exceptional importation of some essential humanitarian supplies, urgent medical evacuations and passage for a small number of Palestinians with special coordination. Unemployment continued to rise and more private enterprises closed, depleting further the capacity of Palestinian society to support itself.

In November 2008, only 579 truckloads of goods were imported into the Gaza Strip –- just 4 per cent of the December 2005 level, the report says. Cooking gas shortages led to the implementation of a ration system, long lines at distribution points and the closing of half of the Gaza Strip's bakeries. Additionally, the cost of food increased by 28 per cent, from June 2007 to June 2008.

An Israeli military operation initiated in December 2007 continued into 2008, as did the firing of rockets from the Gaza Strip, with an Israeli operation from 27 February to 4 March 2008 marking a peak in the conflict, states the report. On 19 June 2008, Israel and Hamas agreed to a six-month "ceasefire", which ended in early November. More than 3,100 rockets and mortars fired from the Gaza Strip struck southern Israel in 2008, of which more than 2,280 were fired from January to June, some 26 from July to October, and 795 from November to December. On 27 December, Israel commenced a major offensive on the Gaza Strip.

From the beginning of the reporting period until 26 December, 402 Palestinians, including 57 children, in the Gaza Strip were killed in the course of military operations by Israel, the report says. During the same period, six Israeli civilians and eight soldiers were killed and 51 civilians and 58 soldiers were injured by rocket and mortar fire from the Gaza Strip. In the first five days of the offensive that commenced on 27 December, Israeli aircraft bombed more than 300 targets. By 31 December, approximately 350 Gazans, including at least 38 children, had been killed. In the same period, four Israelis were killed and about 20 Israelis were injured by Palestinian rocket fire towards Israel.

The report finds that, in July and August, a series of car bombs and an outbreak of inter-factional fighting in the Gaza Strip left 13 Palestinians dead, including 2 children and 130 injured, dealing a blow to reconciliation efforts between Hamas and Fatah. In the West Bank, the regime of closures, house demolitions, settlement expansion, curfews and seizure operations continued alongside the extension of the West Bank Barrier. As in the previous year, the Palestinian population experienced deteriorating living conditions and the denial of basic human rights. The year 2008 saw an increase in the number of reported attacks on Palestinian civilians by Israeli settlers in the West Bank. According to the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), there were 290 settler-related incidents of violence in the first 10 months of 2008. Meanwhile, in February, one Israeli civilian was killed in Dimona by a Palestinian suicide bomber. Later in the year, in two separate incidents, Palestinian bulldozer drivers in Jerusalem deliberately drove into buses and other vehicles, killing three civilians. In March, eight rabbinical seminarians were killed in an attack on a yeshiva in Kiryat Moshe by a Palestinian resident of East Jerusalem.

In Syria and Jordan, the report further states, UNRWA and the refugees were fortunate to enjoy a secure and stable environment. The continued presence of Iraqi refugees in both countries, however, contributed to inflation and strained services provided by the Government and by UNRWA.

According to the report's assessment of operational developments, the reporting period was marked by efforts to improve the quality of services through enhanced programme management and streamlined support services under the organizational development process. In addition, UNRWA also responds to emergencies, wherever they occur in its areas of operation. UNRWA launched an emergency appeal for $238 million. Owing to rapid rises in food and fuel costs in the first half of 2008, the appeal budget was revised upwards to $262 million. By the end of the reporting period, $176 million had been pledged by donors.

UNRWA provided emergency food assistance to 190,000 refugee families in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. A feeding programme for all 200,000 pupils in the Agency's schools in the Gaza Strip was introduced, around $12 million was disbursed as cash grants to 30,000 poor refugee families and $6 million in the Gaza Strip to cover back-to-school costs. In addition, UNRWA created 3 million job days for 56,000 refugees.

A lack of currency notes, owing to the blockade of the Gaza Strip, forced UNRWA to suspend, effective 19 November 2008, social welfare payments to 19,000 destitute refugee families in the Gaza Strip. By December, UNRWA warehouses were almost empty, with the Agency unable to consolidate strategic reserves, despite the "ceasefire". The Agency was forced to delay emergency food aid to 135,000 families towards the end of the year.

The report says that the security of UNRWA staff remained a serious concern. In the Gaza Strip, on 27 February, the six-month-old grandson of a school attendant residing at an UNRWA installation was killed by an Israeli military strike affecting the installation. On 1 March, an UNRWA staff member was injured at Rafah warehouse during an Israeli military strike. On 29 December, during the Israeli offensive on Gaza that began on 27 December, an UNRWA school guard died as a result of injuries suffered while on duty during a military strike affecting the school. In Lebanon, on 20 August, a staff member was injured by unexploded ordnance while working at Nahr el-Bared.

In organizational developments, according to the report, in 2008 UNRWA made significant progress towards achieving best practice standards in programme cycle management. The basis for a medium-term strategy for the period 2010-2015 was developed. Key staff in the fields and in programmes was trained in needs assessment and planning. A needs assessment was undertaken in all fields and results-based planning commenced for the biennium 2010-2011. The Agency's performance indicator framework was reviewed and revised accordingly.

UNRWA continued to implement reforms of its internal oversight mechanisms to respond to an external quality assessment review conducted in late 2007. UNRWA embarked upon an effort to purchase and implement an enterprise resource planning system. A gap analysis conducted by external consultants revealed that the implementation of such a system is necessary. An action plan was developed for mainstreaming security at all levels of UNRWA. This was a step towards the adoption of an UNRWA security policy.

In addition to assessments conducted by UNRWA under the organizational development plan, the Government Accountability Office of the United States of America began a review of UNRWA's management control systems, to ensure that financial contributions from the United States were being used appropriately.

In other matters, the Israeli authorities, citing security concerns, continued to restrict the freedom of movement of UNRWA personnel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. The restrictions included closures of the West Bank and Gaza Strip; prohibiting local staff in United Nations vehicles from using the Erez crossing between Israel and the Gaza Strip or the Allenby Bridge, or from traveling in Israel and the part of the Occupied Palestinian Territory annexed by Israel; and the imposition of cumbersome procedures for obtaining permits for local staff to enter Israel and East Jerusalem. On many occasions, permits were not granted, even though the procedures were followed. In the Agency's view, most measures did not relate to military security, but were matters of police or administrative convenience. The Israeli authorities, however, maintained that the restrictions were necessary to protect Israel against terrorist threats. Movement restrictions imposed by the Israeli authorities on the West Bank have resulted in the loss of 2,199 staff days during the reporting period, representing a loss of approximately $86,000.

At the end of 2008, 20 staff members were in detention, 11 of whom were held by the Israeli authorities, 6 by the Palestinian authorities, 2 by the Syrian authorities and 1 by the authorities of Jordan. Despite repeated requests made by the Agency, the Israeli authorities did not provide the Agency access to its detained staff or provide any information concerning them. At the end of the reporting period the Palestinian authorities had also not provided the Agency access to its detained staff, despite requests.

The report also includes performance reports of its sub-programmes -- education, health, relief and social services, microfinance and microenterprise -- including performance by indicators.

The Committee also had before it the report of the Commissioner-General of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East Programme budget 2010-2011 (A/64/13/Add.1). According to the report, UNRWA continued to work against a backdrop of significant trends and pressures, which affected its ability to realize its objectives and present challenges. The factors included the absence of a peaceful solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, ongoing denial of refugees' rights and recurrent armed conflict in some UNRWA locations, the policies and contributions of UNRWA's donor countries and changes taking place within the refugee population itself.

Also according to the report, the refugee population had changed since the time of UNRWA's genesis. In 1950, there were approximately 750,000 Palestine refugees, but their number had increased by more than six times to 4.67 million in 2008, with an average annual growth rate of three per cent (though this was abating). As a result of this population growth, the use of key UNRWA services had increased. Population density and overcrowding in refugee camps was among the highest in the world. Also, the refugee population was predominantly made up of young people, with more than 56 per cent of refugees under the age of 25 in 2000. In addition, only 30 per cent of refugees were now living within refugee camps.

The report also says that while the refugee population compared well with middle-income countries on some indicators of human development, such as infant mortality, life expectancy, adult literacy and immunization, the picture was less positive in other areas. The prevalence of non-communicable diseases related to lifestyle was increasing, there was extreme poverty and vulnerability in all fields of operation, and unemployment levels were high.

The continuing elusiveness of a peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the related absence of a solution to the plight of refugees, precluded UNRWA from assuming a radical departure from the status quo in the medium term, the report says. Planning and budgeting was therefore predicated on the continuation of the status quo. However, UNRWA must remain ready to respond to changes in political and economic contexts within the current overall scenario. Political and security developments, in particular, might require changes to UNRWA's focus in certain fields, such as in the level of resources required for emergency planning, and the cost of meeting the needs of refugees' sliding into deeper poverty, if local economies continued to deteriorate.

Staff costs constituted the bulk of UNRWA's budget, due to the fact that day-to-day direct delivery of services required a large number of staff -- currently over 29,500, the report finds. Efforts to maintain parity with host authorities' public sector salaries rendered the Agency's financial sustainability susceptible to economic volatility. Should host and donor Governments experience continued economic pressures, the demands on UNRWA would also intensify. Trends within the refugee population necessitated a stronger focus on data gathering, statistical analysis, flexibility and better planning, in order to ensure that service delivery remained sensitive and responsive to the changing needs of the refugee population. However, the Agency's Medium Term Strategy objectives and prioritization of services provided a tool responsive to varying resource levels. Under continued financial pressure, UNRWA would be guided by the Strategy in the allocation of scarce resources.

The report also identifies the Strategy's four human development goals for Palestine refugees, namely, to: have a long and healthy life; acquire knowledge and skills; have a decent standard of living; and enjoy human rights to the fullest extent possible. From these four human development goals, 15 strategic objectives had been identified for the medium term, 2010 to 2015. Unlike previous budgets, UNWRA's new budget includes a breakdown by goals and strategic objectives, rather than by programme, in order to link financial resources directly to the achievement of results consistent with the Agency's strategy.

The report further states that, with the exception of international staff posts funded by the General Assembly through assessed contributions, UNRWA's ongoing operations, projects and emergency appeals remain funded by voluntary donor contributions. The financial results for the fiscal year 2008 clearly illustrated the funding shortfalls experienced by the Agency in its efforts to implement its mandate. Without additional contributions, the Agency would not be in a position to fully implement its budgeted activities. Additionally, current projections of income and expenditure for 2010 did not look promising. If those projections proved to be correct, a funding gap would exist in 2010 of $141.2 million. Consequently, resource mobilization was of critical importance to UNRWA.

If donor contributions remain static, the report continues, then UNRWA would be able to deliver services only at lower than current quality levels, putting additional pressure on host authorities. With reductions in the value of contributions over the medium term, further serious compromises in the quality of services, or cuts in certain areas and in staffing, would be unavoidable. Full delivery would require better financing than in recent times. An increase in resources, coupled with continued gains in efficiency and effectiveness, would put the Agency in a better position to make progress towards the strategic objectives.

The report highlights the Agency's need for additional resources, but says that UNRWA recognizes that the current economic climate may be constraining the ability to realize extra donor support. The possibility of future resource scarcity, coupled with growing demands either as a result of population growth or deepening need, require that the Agency embrace a clear perspective on how to focus its efforts.

The Committee also had before it the report of an extraordinary meeting of the Working Group on the Financing of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (document A/64/115), which explains the reasons for holding the meeting, on 19 May, and sets out the conclusions of the working group with respect to information provided by UNRWA to its members concerning resources made available to the Agency from the regular budget of the United Nations.

The report recalls that the working group was established by General Assembly resolution 2656 (XXV) on 7 December 1970 to study all aspects of the financing of the Agency. In that resolution, the Assembly requested the working group to assist the Secretary-General and UNRWA's Commissioner-General in reaching solutions to the problems posed by the Agency's financial crisis. The working group consists of representatives of France, Ghana, Japan, Lebanon, Norway, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkey, the United Kingdom and the United States. Turkey's Permanent Representative chairs the group.

In the intervals between its regular annual meetings, the working group is tasked by the Assembly with following up, as necessary, with other Member States on the implementation of its recommendations, the report explains further. In this context, in May, the members agreed to hold an extraordinary meeting to assess the adequacy of resources provided to UNRWA from the United Nations regular budget.

The Committee also had before it the Secretary-General's report on Palestine refugees' properties and their revenues (document A/64/324), which notes that on 30 April 2009, the Secretary-General sent notes verbales to Israel and all other Member States, drawing their attention to the relevant provisions of General Assembly resolutions 63/91 and 63/94. He requested information by 10 July 2009 concerning any action taken or envisaged in relation to the implementation of those resolutions. A reply dated 5 August 2009 was received from Israel responding to the request contained in resolution 63/94. No information was received from any other Member State regarding that text's implementation.

Also before the Committee is the report of the Secretary-General on Persons displaced as a result of the June 1967 and subsequent hostilities (document A/64/323), which refers to correspondence between the Secretary-General and the Permanent Representative of Israel regarding actions taken by the Government of Israel in implementing the relevant provisions of resolution 63/92, entitled "Persons displaced as a result of the June 1967 and subsequent hostilities".

Statement by Commissioner-General

KAREN KONING ABUZAYD, Commissioner-General of UNRWA, said that the report paid particular attention to the difficult conditions prevailing in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and Lebanon. Meanwhile, the situation for refugees in Jordan and Syria remained stable and secure. The report also detailed UNRWA's operations, as well as the organizational changes that had been under way since 2006 to modernize the Agency and strengthen its management. It also described some of the Agency's problems, including continuing access impediments to daily work and a serious budgetary crisis. The most immediate of the Agency's challenges was the funding shortfall for the regular budget in 2009, a deficit which was likely to persist into 2010. The anticipated shortfall against the "bare minimum" operational budget was $12 million. Barring a contribution of that amount, the Agency would not be able to pay salaries for its staff before the end of the year, risking a suspension of some essential services.

She said that the funding sought to cover the deficit would allow UNRWA merely to continue to carry out its basic services, by paying salaries and office running costs. A much larger funding gap of $84 million remained in the approved regular budget, which covered the costs of much-needed activities, such as camp improvements, housing repairs, school furniture replacement, and general maintenance. It was discouraging that three years into a strategic, results-based reform process to strengthen UNRWA's management and programme effectiveness, the Agency found itself again appealing for resources to avoid a crippling of its operations. Donors had generously contributed more than $25 million for the reform process, but those benefits were at risk of being negated for lack of a modest additional income.

While underscoring the exceptional generosity of most of UNRWA's donors in the face of the international financial crisis, she said the Agency remained concerned about the implications of the forecast decline in official development assistance in 2010 and thereafter. UNRWA's dire financial situation stood in sharp contrast to the reaffirmation of support for the Agency and the Palestine refuges at the high-level event at Headquarters on 24 September. That event had been an opportunity to underscore the continuing relevance and validity of UNRWA's role in preserving development and in making a tangible contribution to stability in a conflict-prone region. She hoped that the strong support conveyed through the ministerial-level participation of so many Member States would galvanize increased donor support that the Agency so desperately needed to enhance its over-stretched structures and enable it to better serve the refugees. Yet, while that high-level event was a basis for optimism, the explosion of violence in Gaza that ushered in the past year had cast a shadow over the region, the Palestine refugees and UNRWA.

She said that the military offensive launched by Israel in Gaza on 27 December 2008 had been unprecedented in the recent history of the conflict. By the time the ceasefire had been declared on 18 January 2009, 1,387 Palestinians had lost their lives, among them, 313 children, according to non-governmental sources. Thirteen Israelis had also been killed during that period. More than 5,000 homes had been destroyed or damaged, leaving approximately 50,000 people homeless. Civilian infrastructure, including hospitals, United Nations schools and clinics, factories, farms, and water and electrical systems had also sustained damage.

Following the ceasefire, UNRWA had moved rapidly to restore its regular services in an effort to bring a semblance of normalcy to a traumatized population, she said. Once the displaced people sheltering in the Agency's school buildings were relocated, UNRWA opened its classrooms to the 200,000 pupils. That was six days after the ceasefire, by which time the Agency's clinics and food distribution centres were also operational again. UNRWA's key role as the lead responder and its speedy transition to post-conflict reconvert and rehabilitation mode triggered strong political and financial support from the international community. The United Nations Security Council resolution 1860 (2009) recognized UNRWA's "vital role" in providing assistance in Gaza, and called on donors to make additional contributions to the Agency's efforts to alleviate the humanitarian situation.

She further said that UNRWA's Quick Response Plan for Gaza, launched in January, had received pledges amounting to almost $250 million, of the $371 million requested, a record amount for an UNRWA appeal in the Occupied Territory. Support for that plan had been truly global, attracting a number of new donors, both Governmental and non-governmental. The solidarity shown by civil society in the Middle East had been particularly gratifying. The Agency's largest traditional donors, the United States and the European Commission, had also been exceptionally generous, contributing a combined total of more than $110 million.

However, she said that the continuing blockade of Gaza's border was of grave concern to UNRWA and to the United Nations family. That blockade limited humanitarian access, restricted the import of virtually all construction materials needed to re-build a shattered infrastructure, and had effectively shut down the Gazan private sector. Prior to the blockade in 2007, Gaza's 1.5 million people had received a monthly average of 12,350 truckloads of supplies. Now, only 20 per cent of that volume was allowed in, and was confined mainly to food and medicine. Only 70 per cent of the industrial fuel need for Gaza's power plant, a quarter of the cooking gas, and a "trickle" of petrol and diesel fuel was made available. Additionally, the number of refugees in Gaza classified as "abject poor" had tripled in the last year, to 300,000.

She said that UNRWA maintained a positive and productive working relationship with the Israeli Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT), and had now been able to import items such as paper for textbooks and supplies required for the Summer Games activities, which benefited some 250,000 youth.

There had been indications earlier this year that the unprecedented severity of the conflict had triggered pressure to modify the policy of isolating Gaza, of which the blockade was the most concrete manifestation, she said. At the March International Conference in Support of the Palestinian Economy for the Reconstruction of Gaza, in Sharm el-Shiekh, donors pledged $4.5 billion on the understanding that agreement on opening Gaza's borders would be pursued with a new vigour. However, seven months later, there had been no progress towards an agreement. Homes, schools, farms, businesses and other civilian infrastructure destroyed in the conflict remained in ruins until closure was lifted.

She said that UNRWA continued to call for the opening of Gaza's crossings. Guarantees on security measures for the Israelis, and guarantees of operational stability of crossing points for Palestinians would be required. The longer the blockade of Gaza was maintained, the harsher the suffering of its people would be, the deeper their grievances, and possibly, the more radicalized.

In the West Bank, the separation barrier and its associated obstacles and administrative restrictions prevented the flourishing of a sustainable Palestinian economy, she said. Construction continued in Israeli settlements. J-House demolitions and confiscations, notably in East Jerusalem, were regular features of Palestinian life. Notwithstanding recent improvements in economic and security indicators, the West Bank remained splintered -- a shattered economic space -- to a point where its integrity as a viable socio-economic and political unit was deeply compromised. The "intricate web" of Israeli measures whittled away the living space and resources available to Palestinians.

Faced with prolonged hardship, limitation on access to certain service providers and to employment, refugees in the West Bank continued to turn to UNRWA for emergency assistance, she said. Now in their tenth year, the Agency's emergency activities in the West Bank remained focused on providing temporary employment, along with food and cash assistance for those in need, directly benefiting 300,000 refugees. She hoped that the "unhealthy level of dependency" on foreign assistance would soon ease.

The level of socio-economic hardship in Lebanon among the refugees was the highest in the areas of operation, after Gaza, she said. The most pressing concern was the reconstruction of Nahr El Bared camp, which was destroyed in the summer of 2007, and the care of 27,000 refugees who were displaced as a consequence.

Notwithstanding the continued emergency in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and the major challenge of reconstruction of Nahr El Bared, she said that in 2008, the Agency had made solid progress in the delivery of UNRWA's regular services to registered refugees in its five fields of operation -- education, health, relief and social services, microfinance, and infrastructure and camp improvement.

In order to address the Agency's major challenges, UNRWA had begun implementing an organizational development process in 2006, which was now showing positive results, she continued. Perhaps the most significant outcome to date had been the six-year medium-term strategy, which was the blueprint for programmes and field operations, set to begin in January 2010 and based on four human development goals for the Palestine refugees -- a long and healthy life, the acquisition of knowledge and skills, a decent standard of living, and human rights enjoyed to the fullest.

Improvements were not possible, however, without reforms of UNRWA's managerial structures and functions. At present, 14 critical international posts were funded by bilateral donors, which should instead be included in the United Nations programme budget for 2010-2011. Failure to do so would set back the Agency's efforts to strengthen its management and programmes, and would negatively affect the refugees themselves. She joined the Secretary-General in urging Member States to revisit the funding arrangements made for UNRWA 35 years ago, "in an era different from today."

Noting her upcoming retirement from her post at the end of 2009, she said that in tragic contrast to the resolution of a number of protracted refugee situations, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remained resistant to solution, despite the clarity of its components: an end to occupation, Palestinian self-determination, and security guarantees for both Palestinians and Israelis. She urged that, in the interests of ensuring a sustainable settlement, all those directly affected be consulted and their views taken into account. The views of refugees should not be taken for granted, as that path would only lead to disappointment, frustration and ultimately, possible rejection of the agreement.

In conclusion, she said that UNRWA remained acutely aware of its status as a temporary agency. One day, when a negotiated settlement was reached, the Agency would hand over the tasks it currently undertook to a professional cadre of tens of thousands of Palestinians who were well-trained and committed to the values of the United Nations. Millions more would be equipped to cope with the exigencies of daily life in the Middle East, thanks to their exposure to an UNRWA doctor, teacher, social worker, engineer, or microfinance specialist.

Interactive Dialogue

In the ensuing discussion, the Permanent Observer for Palestine to the United Nations recalled that as a junior diplomat 20 years ago with the Fourth Committee Chairman, he was involved in debating the issue of Palestine refugees and UNRWA. Although almost 20 years had passed, the Palestine refugee question had not been resolved. He hoped that his colleagues who were junior diplomats today would not be sitting in the same place 10 or 20 years from now, debating the same issue and the saga of the Palestine refugees. He also hoped that there would be success in finding a just solution to the Palestine question on the basis of resolution 194 (1948).

Expressing appreciation for and gratitude to Ms. AbuZayd, he said that she was not only a genuine friend to the Palestine people, but a true friend of human causes, of causes of justice, and of the cause of peace. He wished that she would remain with UNRWA until the Agency terminated its temporary mandate and, hopefully, for the birth of a Palestinian State. Nonetheless, Ms. AbuZayd would remain as a key component of the Palestinian people's struggle and steadfastness, and they would never forget that she been living with them for many years in the Gaza Strip.

The Agency was doing a great job for the Palestinian people, he continued. Were it not for UNRWA, the Palestinian people would not be able to survive the onslaught and aggression committed by Israel in the Gaza Strip. Stressing that the Agency was experiencing financial emergencies, he appealed to everyone to help UNRWA so that employees, particularly in the Gaza Strip, would not face the winter months without their salaries. There were many people around the globe who were capable of helping, and there was a collective humanitarian responsibility to provide UNRWA with what it needed.

He asked Ms. AbuZayd to elaborate about efforts by UNRWA and the United Nations SecretaryGeneral in trying to bring Israel in compliance with paying compensation, including $11.2 million for the destruction of some UNRWA properties during the Gaza invasion. In addition, he asked if Israel had refused to comply with a global consensus regarding the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip.

The representative of Syria said that, with the onset of the winter season, as the observer from Palestine had indicated, many Palestine refugees would face enormous odds without adequate resources to buy food, cleaning materials, clothes, and heating fuels needed for them and their families. As a result of the blockade, the refugee population was depending more and more on assistance provided by UNRWA. The oppression was occurring virtually on a day-to-day basis, and those human beings were losing hope, one year after the end of the hostilities. The situation was even worse now, as the occupying authorities continued to impose a tight blockade, preventing construction materials from entering Gaza. United Nations figures indicated that Israel had destroyed 5,000 housing units, in addition to part of more than 50,000 units. In other words, one out of six houses in Gaza had been damaged or destroyed partly or completely.

He asked Ms. AbuZayd how she saw the current situation at the moment. He wanted to know what preparations were being taken by UNRWA ahead of the winter season, and how that would affect the budget.

The representative of Egypt asked about the status of the implementation of agreed projects for Gaza's reconstruction.

In response, Ms. ABUZAYD said that regarding the Board of Inquiry and follow-up, that was being carried out in New York between the United Nations Office of Legal Affairs and the Israeli Mission. Meetings were taking place on a regular basis, and they were moving forward, but nothing was final as of yet.

Regarding reconstruction projects, those were still being discussed, particularly ones that involved water and sanitation. She believed that some progress would be made.

She said that the current situation in Gaza was pretty much the same as at the end of January, mainly because no construction materials were coming in. It was necessary to make sure that all those living beneath rubble and in plastic or tents would be able to move into rented accommodations. Additional cash was needed for rental subsidies. There had been quite a good response to the emergency appeal. The difficulties regarding UNRWA's budget pertained to its general fund, which allowed it to carry out its very basic mandate. That's where the budget was in trouble, she explained.

Lebanon's representative asked whether Ms. AbuZayd considered the Israeli restrictions as a "blockade" or a "siege" on the Gaza strip.

Ms. ABUZAYD said she used the term "blockade" because, for those living inside, it felt very much like a blockade. However, it was not legally a blockade because it did not strictly amount to that definition. Still, people were stuck inside Gaza with nothing going in or out, with no imports or exports, and where the private sector had been totally destroyed. She was not sure what else to call the situation, but that the situation "made for a miserable life inside Gaza."

Responding to the earlier question by the Egyptian delegate on how to fulfil the Agency's mandate, she said that UNRWA was in a privileged position in that it had a good relationship with the Israeli Coordinator for the territories. Therefore, the Agency could get in food and medicine, whereas that was not allowed for some other agencies and ordinary peoples. In that way, UNRWA's activities went on as planned, when there was enough money.

ANDREAS LØVOLD of Norway, briefing the Committee as Rapporteur of the Working Group on the Financing of UNRWA, said that members had held an extraordinary meeting to discuss the adequacy of the resources provided. The discussion among members was still ongoing, but the group hoped that the contents of the report could be finalized within the coming days. The report would stress the importance of UNRWA's organizational development programme and its centrepiece, the management reform effort, for which the United Nations needed to give the Agency adequate financial support.

He said that despite earlier recommendations, funding for only 6 of 20 international posts had so far been approved by the General Assembly. Other essential management tools were also required to utilize the existing funds effectively. The mandate to provide high levels of programme supervision and reporting could not be fulfilled, owing to under-funding. There would be a shortfall of approximately $85 million -- "just the latest deficit" -- in an annual series of steadily falling declines.

For UNRWA, international staff salaries had declined, leading to a management deficit that could no longer be ignored, he said. The Working Group agreed that this moment of "transformative change" at UNRWA should be seized upon and that the international community and the United Nations should provide it with the additional resources required to complete the reform programme.

Statements

FEDA ABDELHADY-NASSER, observer for Palestine, said that the occasion of UNRWA's sixtieth anniversary was cause for solemn reflection about the longstanding plight and continuing hardship of the Palestine refugees as a result of the denial of their rights, and thus the reason for the establishment and continued existence of the Agency. It was tragic that, in 2009 -– more than six decades since the 1948 Al-Nakba following the partition of Mandate Palestine by General Assembly resolution 181 (II) -– the Palestine refugees and their descendants, who numbered nearly 4.7 million people and constituted more than half of the Palestinian population, continued to live as a "stateless and dispossessed people", denied their right to return to their homes and to just compensation for their losses and suffering, in accordance with resolution 194 (III). That injustice and their ongoing plight remained at the core of the Palestinian historical narrative and the search for justice and peace.

On the occasion of the anniversary, she expressed hope for a renewed and strengthened commitment to resolve the Palestine refugee problem, in accordance with international law and the relevant United Nations resolutions. That was imperative, not only for the achievement of a just, lasting and comprehensive settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but also of the Arab-Israeli conflict as a whole, in light of the regional dimension of the refugee problem.

In that regard, there must be a strong rejection of Israel's constant rhetoric denying the rights of the Palestine refugees and any responsibility for their plight, she continued. As had been repeatedly stated, had Israel abided by the United Nations Charter and its other obligations under international law and United Nations resolutions, the question of the Palestine refugees would have long ago been justly resolved, and the human tragedy would not persist. It was also necessary to reaffirm the right of the Palestinians displaced in 1967 to return to their homes and lands and to call for implementation of the mechanism agreed to by the two sides to facilitate their return, which had been "too long overdue".

Turning to the current situation of the Palestine refugees, she said that it was regretful that the past year had witnessed conflict and turmoil, which, once again, had gravely impacted the refugees. The majority of the refugees faced numerous challenges under difficult socio-economic conditions. Moreover, those in the refugee camps in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, especially in the besieged Gaza Strip, were struggling to survive a dire humanitarian crisis and constant affronts to their human rights and their families' safety and welfare, as Israel, the occupying Power, carried out unlawful and harmful policies against the Palestinian civilian population, including ruthless measures of collective punishment.

Instead of a true commitment to peacemaking, the past year had witnessed the continued intransigence of Israel, persistent in its violations of international law, including humanitarian and human rights law, and the infliction of further harm and suffering on the Palestine refugee population, she said. Israel's continued imposition of its immoral, inhumane, unlawful blockade in collective punishment of the entire population -– by which it had impeded humanitarian access, prohibited the import of essential goods and all exports, and severely restricted the movement of persons –- had also ensured that the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip continued to live in misery amid the ruins of their homes and communities, intensifying their deprivation and hardship and inflaming feelings of injustice. Even UNRWA had not been spared, as Israel deliberately attacked the Agency's facilities, including schools where civilians were known to be sheltering, causing death, injury and extensive damage, including the destruction of the warehouse at UNRWA's main compound, where tons of food, medical and other humanitarian supplies had been destroyed.

The findings of the United Nations Secretary-General's Board of Inquiry and of the United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict in that regard were alarming, and should be pause for serious reflection by all Member States who had pledged to uphold the Charter and the immunity of the United Nations, she said. The findings and recommendations of both the Board and the Fact Finding Mission required serious consideration and follow-up measures by Member States and the relevant organs of the United Nations system, including the Security Council and the General Assembly, towards ensuring that the perpetrators of such serious human rights violations and grave breaches of international humanitarian law were held accountable for their crimes, and that justice was realized for the victims. Israel's flagrant impunity must be ended, and international law, human rights and justice must prevail. That was necessary for peace and stability.

Poverty, hunger, disease and unemployment remained rampant among the refugee population, she continued. In that regard, it was deeply troubling that in the past year the number of those in abject poverty -- penniless with absolutely no income -- had tripled. That situation persisted despite the pledges of aid from around the globe for reconstruction and recovery, because Israel continued to maliciously obstruct the aid from reaching Gaza. The grave socio-economic conditions were further exacerbated by deteriorating health and sanitation systems and other infrastructure due to lack of spare parts and building materials, and the inability to reconstruct due to the blockade. The blockade must be lifted and reconstruction must be immediately undertaken. She also reiterated a call for implementation of the Secretary-General's proposal to commence reconstruction in Gaza via the launch of suspended United Nations projects, including several of those managed by UNRWA.

Reiterating gratitude to UNRWA and to all United Nations agencies and humanitarian organizations working together to assist the refugees, she said that UNRWA's work in all fields of operation clearly remained necessary, pending the attainment of a just, lasting solution. A just resolution for the plight of the Palestine refugees remained among the highest priorities for the Palestinian leadership. The issue remained a core final status issue, and was definitely one of the keys to peace. She thus appealed once again to the international community to redouble efforts to promote the resumption of an accelerated peace process towards the achievement of a just, lasting and comprehensive settlement of the question of Palestine in all its aspects.

PER ÖRNÉUS ( Sweden), speaking on behalf of the European Union, said that through 60 years of service, UNRWA had contributed enormously to improving the living conditions and human dignity of millions of Palestine refugees and their communities. That was a "unique success story". As UNRWA's largest donor, the European Union had contributed more than 60 per cent of the Agency's regular budget and to its special programmes and emergency appeals. The Union's policy in that regard had been guided by respect for international law, including humanitarian law and human rights.

He said that UNRWA's contribution to the human capital of the region was beyond doubt. In education, the Agency's record was impressive, bringing education to half a million children in the Middle East. The proportion of female pupils had doubled since the 1950s. In the field of health, UNRWA had achieved a near 100 per cent vaccination record. UNRWA ran a health-care programme that in 2008 alone had provided 9.9 million medical consultations. Despite many challenges, UNRWA continued its tireless work to serve the Palestine refugees.

The European Union condemned the shelling of UNRWA infrastructures in Gaza in the beginning of this year, and deeply deplored the loss of life during the Gaza conflict, particularly civilian casualties, he said. The humanitarian needs of the Palestine refugees remained of great concern. The problem of limited access severely constrained UNRWA's ability to fulfil its mandate and to help the refugees. The Union called for the immediate and unconditional opening of crossings for the flow of humanitarian aid, commercial goods, and persons to and from Gaza. Reconstruction and economic recovery had to be allowed in and the current humanitarian crisis must be solved.

Additionally, the long-serious financial situation of UNRWA had now come to a critical stage, which demanded increased international attention. The core budget was chronically underfunded, as were the emergency appeals, which had been made worse by the international financial crisis. If additional finding was not forthcoming, there would be far-reaching consequences for UNRWA's operations. Reducing educational expenses would deprive thousands of children of an education. Likewise, reducing health services would deprive the Palestinians of proper health care. The provision of 90 per cent of UNRWA's resources by 15 countries was not sustainable, and the Union strongly urged new donors to commit financially to join the work of UNRWA, and for current donors to increase their contributions.

REBECA HERNANDEZ TOLEDANO (Cuba), associating her delegation with statements to be made on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Rio Group, said that on the occasion of UNRWA's anniversary, it could not have been imagined that the Agency's noble humanitarian work would have extended for so long. While her delegation commended its work, it regretted the continuation of its mandate, because it was a constant reminder that the Palestinian people continued to suffer under Israeli occupation. Her delegation considered the Palestinian people's ongoing suffering of the long and brutal Israeli occupation of their land since 1967 unjustifiable, as was the fact that they continued to be denied their fundamental human rights, inter alia, the right to self-determination and the right of the Palestine refugees to return to their land.

She was concerned about the tragic deterioration of the political, economic, social and humanitarian situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, as a consequence of continued illegal policies and practices of the occupying Power against the Palestinian people. The construction of a dividing wall, in clear violation of international laws, continued, and the settlement policy grew stronger in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem. Israel's unilateral measures in the Occupied Palestinian Territory seriously threatened prospects for achieving a negotiated settlement based on the two-State solution.

UNRWA had to carry out its work in extremely hard conditions, while Israeli authorities continued to impose unacceptable restrictions, in sheer violation of the United Nations Charter and other international conventions, she said. UNRWA's freedom of circulation of personnel, goods and vehicles was also restricted. That undermined its capacity to exercise its functions and had caused it substantial monetary losses. She endorsed the request contained in the UNRWA Commission report to study the possibility of including in the resolution on UNRWA a provision requesting the Israeli authorities to refund the amounts of outstanding port taxes, as appropriate. It was also important that UNRWA received all the necessary support and guarantees to carry out its functions.

Mr. MASHABANE ( South Africa) said that for the past 60 years, UNRWA had carried out its mandate in addressing the basic needs of and providing essential services to Palestine refugees in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria, with distinction. The conditions that had led to the establishment of the Agency had not changed; hence, South Africa believed in the Agency's continued relevance. His delegation supported the call made by the General Assembly last year to the United Nations Secretary-General to support the Agency's institutional strengthening through the provision of sufficient financial resources from the United Nations regular budget. It also noted with concern the projected funding gap, estimated at $78 million for 2009 and $141 million for 2010, preventing the Agency from fully implementing its budgeted activities.

Calling on the international community to support UNRWA's work, he said South Africa had, over the years, done so, financially and otherwise. The "volatile security environment" in the region remained a challenge for the Agency, and his delegation condemned, in the strongest terms, the destruction of United Nations facilities, including schools, warehouses and its compound, which had occurred during the December 2008 and January 2009 shelling of Gaza by the Israeli Defense Force. His delegation also called for an end to the blockade of Gaza, which only worsened the already deplorable humanitarian conditions. South Africa called on Israel to ensure the unhindered and unimpeded access and safety of the Agency and its personnel. The humanitarian challenges facing the people of Palestine and the neighbouring Arab States could only be addressed through the resolution of the political questions in the region.

He said his delegation looked forward to the day when the bloodshed ended and two States –- Palestine and Israel -– were able to co-exist in peace and security, within internationally-recognized borders.

MIRJANA SPOLJARIC EGGER ( Switzerland) said that UNRWA was an agent of peace and human development in the Middle East, exerting a stabilizing influence in a region marred by long-standing conflicts and political volatility. Sixty years after its creation, her delegation would like to express its gratitude to the Agency for its steady commitment and aid, which was unfortunately, still indispensable for 4.67 million Palestine refugees in Jordan, Syria, Lebanon and in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Given the vital function that UNRWA assumed in the region, sufficient funding to carry out its mandate was a prerequisite. While United Nations Headquarters paid for the agency's 119 international staff, the rest of UNRWA's funding depended on voluntary contributions. UNRWA had, nevertheless, proved to be a credible and trustworthy partner.

She said that, in the interest of peace and stability in the region, Member States had a collective responsibility to ensure that UNRWA was able to discharge its mandate. Its already critical accumulated structural budget deficit had increased. If not remedied, that dramatic financial situation would force the Agency to cut down its services to the refugee communities even more, and further staff reductions and deteriorating working conditions for its 30,000 employees would become unavoidable.

Switzerland also remained deeply concerned about the ongoing severe access and exit restrictions on Gaza, she said. The protracted blockade seriously impeded UNRWA's efforts, as well as those of other aid agencies, to improve the humanitarian situation of 1.5 million residents. Mechanisms to guarantee the passage of reconstruction material, as well as basic and humanitarian assistance, must be found swiftly to allow for the reconstruction of Gaza and its economic recovery. Such mechanisms must be independent and impartial. In that regard, she recalled that, in conformity with international humanitarian law, all parties to the conflict should allow and facilitate rapid and unimpeded humanitarian access.

AHMED ALDEHARY ( United Arab Emirates) said that UNRWA's recent reports reflected the overall dangerous and challenging conditions prevailing in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. That was an inevitable result if the policy of destruction and widespread violations practiced by the Israeli forces against the Palestinians. As a result of those practices, hundreds of lives had been lost, and thousands had been injured. The incursions had not just targeted civilians, but also the international organizations, including UNRWA, which were operating in the Gaza Strip. The suffocating isolation of Gaza had exacerbated the suffering caused by the widespread destruction and crimes committed by the Israeli forces last December and January. The United Nations statistics had shown that Israeli forces had destroyed more than 500 housing units and partially damaged 5,000 more, thereby creating new refugees. The Israeli aggression, which included the deliberate destruction of UNRWA facilities where refugees sought shelter, exacerbated UNRWA's burdens. Moreover, UNRWA personnel were also targeted and subjected to investigations and inquiry.

He reaffirmed political and moral support to UNRWA, in the form of both direct and indirect support for its humanitarian projects. He called on the international community to strongly condemn the Israeli violations of international law and international humanitarian law, and demanded that " Israel the occupier" cease its aggression and remove all restrictions created to impede the implementation of UNRWA's plans and programmes.

MANAR TALEB ( Syria) said that Israel persisted in not ending the Palestinian tragedy, which it had created. Israel flouted all resolutions via practices that were part and parcel of its policy, and it rejected complying with resolutions, and regarded resolutions adopted by the General Assembly in an ironical manner. It also still prevented the application of resolution 194 (1948), which called for the return of the Palestine refugees to their homes. Instead, Israel introduced alien settlers from all parts of the world, in order to dominate the homes, territories and country of the Palestine people.

He said that Israel committed those actions in total disregard for international resolutions and for the legitimacy of human rights, which clearly stipulated the right of each Palestinian to return to his country and to his village, home and possessions. The number of Palestine refugees had reached more than 5 million, the largest number of refugees in the world. Israel brought racist settlers and communities from all parts of the world to replace the Palestinians and take hold of their homes and villages, without any regard for all of the international community's appeals. Israel reminded the world, daily, that it was above international legitimacy. Israel also turned a deaf ear to established facts in United Nations reports and refused to pay compensation for bombarding a United Nations building, in consonance with a request from the United Nations Secretary-General.

Syria would continue to make all efforts to provide every aspect of support to the Palestinian people, until they returned to their homes, he said. The total expenditures by Syria for Palestine refugees had reached more than $150 million in 2008, in education, social and health services, together with food provisions and security, inter alia. The responsibility towards the Palestine refugees was a political, ethical and legal one. It was inevitable, therefore, that UNRWA should continue in accordance with its mandate until it was implemented completely. That would require additional contributions, as well as a widening of the donor base, and following through with those who made pledges. His delegation stressed the importance of safeguarding and supporting UNRWA's mandate, in such a way as would guarantee the return of the Palestine refugees to their homes, in accordance with resolution 194.

AHMAD ALI AL-TAMIMI ( Qatar) commended Ms. Abuzayd and all UNRWA staff for their work in such areas as health-care education and emergency relief. UNRWA's employees were "constantly harassed by the Israeli authorities", and the Israeli army had even shelled UNRWA-run schools in Gaza directly. He condemned the damaging of UNRWA schools in Gaza, and called on the Security Council to set up a plan for those schools to become safe havens for the refugees. He asked what had happened to the recommendations of the recent Fact Finding Mission, saying that the Security Council had failed to take steps in implementing "this initiative".

While celebrating the sixtieth anniversary of UNWRA, he also noted that the Palestinian people had been suffering for 60 years. The recent Israeli aggression against and blockade of Gaza had only worsened the humanitarian situation of Palestine refugees. The Gaza strip was "really on the brink of economic meltdown", and the growing dependence of its population on external assistance, as well as the restrictions of movement of individuals, had negatively impacted the economy in all Palestinian Territory.

Bearing in mind that the number of Palestine refugees was growing, he reminded the international community of its responsibility to the Palestinian people and called on all donor Governments to contribute more to UNRWA's activities to improve its services, whether through emergency relief or other kinds of assistance.

Mr. LØVOLD ( Norway), in his national capacity, said that, 60 years after it was established, UNRWA and its services were unfortunately more relevant than ever. Needless to say, the final-status issue of right to return remained unresolved, leaving millions in encampments with no end to their situation in sight. But also, the refugee population was growing by 2.4 per cent annually, and would continue to do so for as long as the issue remained unresolved. During the past 60 years, the number of registered refugees had more than quadrupled –- to approximately 4.6 million today. Even if a meaningful peace process was established and the refugee issue was resolved, there would probably be a transitional period when UNRWA's services and support were needed as strongly as ever. That period might last for as long as 10 to 15 years.

He said his delegation had been concerned during the last few years about the trend in UNRWA's financial stability. The growing refugee population and further deterioration of the economic situation in UNRWA's mandate area had caused a steady increase in demand for UNRWA's services. There had been little change, however, in the volume of funding available. Consequently, UNRWA had depleted its working capital in the last few years, and earlier this year, had posted a budget gap of $87 million for 2009.

During its chairmanship of UNRWA's Advisory Commission from July 2008 to July 2009, Norway had taken several initiatives to secure funding from a broader base of donors, he said. That had been essential in addressing the rights of Palestine refugees to basic social services, and he wanted to pay tribute to all those donors who responded and provided extraordinary funds. But projections for the coming years were unpromising, to say the least. Unless a permanent solution to the funding of UNRWA was found, there would still be the same urgent problem and ad-hoc response every year from now on.

A first and important step would be to enhance the resource base. Currently, only 15 States contributed more than 90 per cent of the funding for UNRWA's general fund. Those States had all indicated that they had reached the limit for how much they were prepared to provide, which meant that additional regular contributions needed to come from new donors. Calling on the Group of Twenty (G-20) members to become involved, he also called on Arab States to honour Arab League resolution 4625 from April 1987, where Arab States committed to contributing no less than 7.7 per cent of UNRWA's general fund.

A next step would be to ensure that a greater share of UNRWA's funding came from the United Nations regular budgets, he said. First and foremost, that would make UNRWA's own financial status more predictable. It would also result in a more equitable burden-sharing. At the commemoration of the sixtieth anniversary this year, the representatives of the regional groups had all expressed their concerns regarding UNRWA's financial situation. Now was the time to come through and support increasing the funding through the General Assembly. UNRWA was more than merely a provider of social services; it had come to represent hope to those deprived of the rights taken for granted by those living in peaceful parts of the world, and was today the face of humanity, the bearer of human rights and democracy, and the guarantor of protection of women and children in a region torn by conflict and violence.

HOANG CHI TRUNG ( Viet Nam) called for the international donor community to redouble its efforts in supporting UNRWA's operations. Expressing grave concern for the loss of life and dire humanitarian situation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, he said that the resulting economic and social crisis had led to further hardships and deepening psychological trauma for the Palestinian people. It was the responsibility of the international community to join efforts and help solve the crisis.

He said that the closures, curfews and other restrictions in those areas had hindered UNRWA from performing its mandated tasks. He urged Israel to guarantee safe working conditions for UNRWA staff. UNRWA enjoyed the privileges and immunities as an organ of the United Nations, and that the Agency's work, in no way, should be impeded. He also called for all parties concerned to comply with international humanitarian and human rights law and, in light of the report prepared by the Fact Finding Mission on Gaza, for investigations to be conducted to ensure justice for the victims whose rights had been violated. He hoped that those efforts would contribute to restoring the peace process in the Middle East.

MOHAMMED AL-ALLAF ( Jordan) said that UNRWA's rapid response had played a very effective role in relieving the suffering of "our brothers" in the Gaza strip during the Israeli aggression. The role played by UNRWA indeed confirmed its commitment to humanitarian principles, and he expressed Jordan's gratitude to all UNRWA staff, commending their heroic performance. The suffering of the Palestinians was palpable, and was still evident in Gaza, where the situation had only worsened with the advent of winter. Children in Gaza needed "help and solidarity" from the international community, now more than ever. Their plight required that immediate measures be taken to lift the blockade and open the crossings, to allow the movement of supplies for reconstruction.

He said that Jordan, for its part, would redouble efforts to make known the suffering of the Palestinians. He expressed deep concern at the "cut-offs", curfews and other restrictions imposed by the Israeli authorities. The restrictions had only rendered more acute the suffering of a people who were already in a dire situation. Those measures by Israel impeded economic development and prevented people from getting to work, as well as blocked access to essential services and commodities. That was also a further impediment to UNRWA's work.

He called on Israel to lift the restrictions affecting UNRWA. For six decades, UNRWA had employed efforts to help Palestine refugees, and carried out a task of "historic magnitude". He called on all donors without exception to continue to provide financial help to UNRWA, thereby ensuring that the necessary services were provided to the Palestinian people. Any attempts to cut back UNRWA's role or any of its responsibility, while the issue of the Palestine refugees remained unresolved, must be rejected.

ABDULNASER H. ALHARTHI ( Saudi Arabia) said that in order to enable UNRWA to implement its programmes, the international community, especially donors, including the specialised financial institutions like the World Bank and others, should double their contributions. While the Agency had carried out its duties in the Occupied Palestinian Territory since its inception, the Israeli occupation and oppressive and arbitrary actions had increased the suffering of the Palestinian population, seriously affecting all aspects of life in the Occupied Territory. That included the closure of crossings, the construction of the isolating barrier in the West bank, the siege imposed on the Gaza Strip, curfews and other restrictions on travel to and from the West Bank and Gaza strip. During the aggressions by Israel on the Gaza Strip in late 2008 and early 2009, the Israeli occupying forces destroyed schools and health centres affiliated with UNRWA, killing many Agency staff. Even the buildings and facilities of the Agency were not spared from deliberate hits launched by the Israeli occupation army. Those forces had ignored the Agency's relief and humanitarian role and acted in utter disregard of the international conventions, which emphasize the safety and security of United Nations and associated personnel and of humanitarian workers in conflict zones.

He strongly condemned the continuing obstructions imposed on the delivery of necessary materials, such as medicines and daily necessities, through the continued closure of crossings and the siege on the 1.5 million inhabitants of the Gaza Strip. Saudi Arabia demanded the immediate cessation of that unjust embargo and of all arbitrary measures and restrictions imposed by Israel on international organizations. It also demanded the demolition of the isolating wall and said that Israel should be compelled to compensate UNRWA for all the damages and losses inflicted upon its properties and premises. In addition, that country remained bound under the Fourth Geneva Convention to ensure the safe delivery, without any restrictions or conditions, of food, medical supplies and other goods, in order to meet the humanitarian needs of the population of the Gaza Strip.

Saudi Arabia was committed to supporting humanitarian causes, both at the governmental and grassroots levels, in accordance with its Islamic beliefs, he stated. A report issued by OCHA had confirmed that the country topped the world list in terms of voluntary contributions to finance humanitarian-relief operations in 2008. In continuation of its support to UNRWA's humanitarian work in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and to its assistance to refugees living in camps in other countries, Saudi Arabia had contributed $734.8 million to the budgets of the Palestinian Authority and UNRWA between 2002 and 2009. It was also allocating $200 million for projects under consideration with each of the Al-Aqsa Funds administered by the Islamic Development Bank, UNRWA and the World Bank. In addition, it had contributed $25 million for the reconstruction of the Nahr Al Bared refugee camp in Lebanon.

For information media • not an official record

Monday, November 2, 2009

YAHOO PICTURES A Palestinian shepherd walks with his herd near the Jewish settlement of Tekoa located southeast to the West Bank Palestinian city of Bethlehem, Sunday, Nov. 1, 2009. The Palestinians on Sunday accused Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton of undermining progress toward Mideast peace talks after she praised Israel for offering to curb some Jewish settlement construction. After meeting Israeli and Palestinian leaders during a visit Saturday, Clinton called for an unconditional resumption of peace talks and welcomed Israel's offer for a slowdown in settlement activity. (AP Photo/Sebastian Scheiner)

My letter to the Guardian RE Palestinians must prepare for statehood by Hussein Ibish

A Palestinian family are seen walking in a street during sunset in the West Bank city of Ramallah, Sunday, Nov. 1, 2009. (AP Photo/Muhammed Muheisen)

RE: Palestinians must prepare for statehood, by Hussein Ibish
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/nov/02/palestinian-statehood-institution-building

Dear Sir,

Delighted to see "Palestinians must prepare for statehood" by Hussein Ibish! I very much admire Dr. Ibish's ability to see the big picture, and to persistently engage in reasonable and honorable arguments for Palestine's sake- for peace... a just and lasting peace.

Sincerely,
Anne Selden Annab


My letter to the Independent RE Robert Fisk’s World: The truth about the Middle East is buried beneath the headlines


RE: Robert Fisk’s World: The truth about the Middle East is buried beneath the headlines
http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/fisk/robert-fiskrsquos-world-the-truth-about-the-middle-east-is-buried-beneath-the-headlines-1812300.html

Dear Sir,

Looks to me like Robert Fisk mainly wants to bury Palestine- and to discourage people from even bothering with effective media work. Yes, kudos to Amira Hass for writing about the plight of the Palestinians, but please Mr. Fisk her "failure" is much more about Israel than Egypt or Turkey, or even CNN.

Zionist bloggers and op-ed writers do tend to refer to Israel's monstrous wall as a "security barrier" or a "fence", but Zionist bloggers and op-ed writers do not own the conversation in our mainstream media: Influence is an ongoing project. In assessing "the manufacture of consent", start wondering how Western media outlets are supposed to know where their headlines and writers go wrong when all the world is being convinced by supposed experts like Fisk that the Western press is both totally corrupt and gutless and therefore it is useless to expect (and demand) more accuracy.


Sincerely,
Anne Selden Annab

Palestinian singer Reem Kelani explains and then sings Mawtani, "My homeland" written by the Palestinian poet Ibrahim Hefeth Touqan (1905-1941)


Mawtani, "My homeland" was written by the Palestinian poet Ibrahim Hefeth Touqan (1905-1941)

English Lyrics:

My homeland
My homeland
Glory and beauty
Sublimity and prettiness
Are in your hills
Life and deliverance
Pleasure and hope
Are in your atmosphere
Will I see you?
Safe and comfortable
Sound and honored
Will I see you?
In your eminence
Reaching the stars

My homeland
My homeland

The youth will not get tired
Their goal is your independence
Or they die
We will drink from death
But we will not be slaves to our enemies
We do not want
An eternal humiliation
Nor a miserable life
We do not want
But we will return
Our great glory

My homeland
My homeland

The sword and the pen
Are our symbols
Not talking nor quarreling
Our glory and covenant
And a duty to fulfill it
Shake us
Our honor
Is an honorable cause
A raised flag
O, your beauty
In your eminence
Victorious over your enemies

My homeland
My homeland

My letter to the Washington Post RE Jordan Valley may be hurdle in peace talks, Israelis, Palestinians each stake claim to section of West Bank


RE: Jordan Valley may be hurdle in peace talks, Israelis, Palestinians each stake claim to section of West Bank
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/11/01/AR2009110102434.html
(& Palestinians say new U.S. approach imperils peace, Officials want halt in building settlements before direct talks http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/11/01/AR2009110101135.html )

Dear Editor,

Israel is obviously trying to sabotage the emergence of peace and a viable Palestinian state. Talks about talks go round and round and round- and all the while Apartheid Israel continues to oppress, impoverish and displace the people of historic Palestine. Negotiations should not be about how to further ignore international law and the Palestinians' basic human rights... negotiations must be about how to implement and fully respect the many resolutions already in place.

Violence, injustice and bigotry began the Israel/Palestine conflict- exasperating those factors by sustaining the current status quo will only make matters worse: For everyone's sake Israel must end its illegal occupation- and Israel must also respect the Palestinian refugees' inalienable legal, moral and natural right to return to original homes and lands.

Sincerely,
Anne Selden Annab

UN General Assembly Resolution 194 (from 1948), Article 11 Resolves that the [Palestinian] refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible.

‘Palestine: The Exodus and Odyssey’

Sunday, November 1, 2009

A Good Speech: "On the importance of American studies in the Arab world" by Dr. Hussein Ibish

A year ago, in October 2008, I was invited by the American Studies Center at the University of Bahrain, the oldest American Studies Center in the Arab world, to give the keynote address at the 10th anniversary celebration of the founding of the Center. Below is the text I prepared for the talk, which was to address the importance of American Studies centers in the Arab World. As delivered, it was somewhat (perhaps mercifully) shorter, and slightly different. However, reviewing the prepared text one year on, I thought it was well worth posting on the Ibishblog, and the ideas in it still well worth considering. Or is this my worst speech ever? You decide!

Utopian and dystopian themes in American politics, policy and culture

Keynote address at the 10th anniversary celebration at the American Studies Center at the University of Bahrain, October 29, 2008.

I. The importance of American studies in the Arab world

I have been asked to speak about the necessity of American studies centers in the Middle East. I will not dwell too long on the obvious connections between the United States, the main regional power in the Middle East, and the Arab states. In spite of the gradual shift of power in terms of capital from the West to the East, particularly China and India, the United States remains the dominant player in Southwest Asia and will remain so for the foreseeable future. It is particularly relevant to countries in the Gulf as major exporters of hydrocarbons, and given their strategic location. The recent rise of Iran as a potential regional rival to the United States only intensifies rather than lessens the significance of the United States to the Arab states, particularly in the Gulf region.

As for Bahrain, the relevancy of the United States and its political system could not be more direct, as you know better than I do. What we are talking about here, simply put, is your present prosperity and future security. Commercial ties between Bahrain and the United States are extensive and long-standing. The Government of Bahrain has a cooperative agreement with the United States military and has provided the United States a base in Juffair since the early 1990s. This is the headquarters for Commander, United States Naval Forces Central Command and the United States Fifth Fleet, and about 1500 U.S. and coalition military personnel. U.S. Naval Forces Central Command is the naval element of CENTCOM, based in Qatar, a neighboring country to which you will soon be building a massive bridge. It consists of the United States 5th Fleet and several other subordinate task forces, including Combined Task Force 150, Combined Task Force 158 and others. Naval Support Activity Bahrain is the primary base in the region for the naval and marine activities in support of Operation Enduring Freedom, also known as the war in Afghanistan, and Operation Iraqi Freedom, also known as the war in Iraq. So, there can be no doubting the strategic importance of the United States, and its society and political system, to the fundamental strategic concerns of Bahrain, and other GCC and Arab states for that matter. As I say, we are talking about your future.

The United States and the Arab states are mutually dependent in terms of trade and security, and yet are beset by chronic and intensifying misunderstandings and misrecognitions, at times even bordering on fundamental distrust. Some of this is based on rational questions about the roles and intentions of the governments and populations of both societies. Arabs naturally have serious questions regarding American policies especially towards Israel and the Palestinians, as well as its actions and intentions in Iraq and its overall approach to the region and its resources. Americans have deep suspicions about extremist and terrorist organizations such as Al Qaeda, and growing sentiments in the Arab world critical of and even hostile to not only American policy, but sometimes even American culture and society.

Of course many of these concerns on both sides are not only rational and inevitable given the course of recent history, but many are also based on stereotypes, caricatures, reductions and misrecognitions. As one who follows and participates in both the Arabic and English language media, I can say categorically that the press, particularly television, does little to help educate the public on both sides about the complexities of each others societies and the reality of and need for mutual cooperation and interdependence.

For many years, the most acute Arab-American observers, particularly my late friend Edward Said, complained properly about the lack of American studies programs and departments in the region. Of late this serious oversight has been corrected by programs such as the one we are celebrating the 10th anniversary of today here at the University of Bahrain. The University, the staff of the Center, and the government of this important country are to be congratulated on taking the initiative in promoting American studies here, and being part of an overall movement to not only send Arab students to the United States to learn about American society, but to bring American studies here to the Middle East.

As with most problematic elements in the Arab-American relationship, this problem has been and still is a reciprocal one. There are only a tiny handful of centers for contemporary Arab studies in American universities, almost all of them at private and indeed Catholic universities such as Georgetown and Villanova. In most elite and public American universities, Arab studies are subsumed into larger programs involving the whole “Near East,” ancient and modern, which have been traditionally dominated by Orientalist traditions (which at least involved enormous knowledge, erudition and prodigious scholarship about the region in spite of essentializing tendencies), but which are now increasingly the site of contesting pro and anti-Israel orthodoxies that are shamelessly political. The post-9/11 surge of interest in Arabic language studies and other regional academic interests in the Middle East in American universities has been often geared towards pragmatic military, diplomatic and intelligence agendas. There is nothing particularly objectionable about this, but it is hardly a substitute for a genuine and empathetic engagement with another, very different and difficult, culture for most Americans to grasp.

I would argue that Americans have much to learn from the Arab world about its culture, traditions and incredible complexity and heterogeneity that would enrich the American worldview. To do so, Americans must learn about the Arabs from the Arabs, and that means learning from Arabs who understand how to communicate with Americans effectively and how to craft a receivable message. As anyone who has dealt with the Arab-American dialogue, especially at the political level, knows perfectly well, here we have two cultures that have found it exceptionally difficult to explain perfectly reasonable and understandable concerns and perspectives to each other in a manner that can be readily comprehended by the other side.

But I am here today to talk directly about what American studies can bring to the Arab world. And I mean by this not simply the enhancement of the ability of Arabs such as the people of Bahrain to deal effectively with Americans in terms of business and diplomacy, but also the positive value of appreciating the extraordinary complexity of American politics, culture and art, its enormous contribution to human civilization.

II. Utopian and dystopian tendencies in American domestic politics and foreign policy

I am going to frame my remarks today around the consistent and definitive tension between the utopian and dystopian tendencies in American politics and culture – and hopefully add a layer of complexity to this almost clichéd dichotomy. By utopian, I mean the idea that society is perfectible, and that an idealized state of affairs between people can be accomplished. By dystopian, I mean, of course, the opposite: a perspective that casts individuals and societies in a negative light and which, despairing of correcting them, and instead focuses on controlling them. The American hybrid seeks to balance these founding and contrasting if not contradictory ideals: the utopian perfectionism of the Declaration of Independence (which might be thought of as the mission statement of the United States of America) offset by the finely tuned mechanisms for restraining change and balancing competing self-interests contained in the U.S. Constitution (which are essentially its bylaws). The United States has been struggling throughout its history from this tension between the idealistic essence of its mission statement and the cynical attitudes expressed in its bylaws.

There are not, as is sometimes absurdly suggested, two United States in competition with each other, or a series of contending utopian and dystopian versions of America. Instead the United States at its richest and most compelling enacts a dynamic interplay between coexisting utopian and dystopian traits and impulses. This enigma is the source of both its greatest contributions to world political culture, and the wellspring of its richest fine arts, both of which I will touch upon this evening. I hope to illuminate a common theme that defines the American experience at a fundamental, if in some ways irresolvable, manner.

Let me begin by discussing for a moment the problem of the competing mythological versions of the United States that dominate perceptions both internally within the country and around the world: first, the utopian dream of the “city on a hill” (President Reagan's speechwriters added "shining" to that phrase centuries later) that has defined the American self-image since the founding of the Republic if not before, and is propagated by the vast apparatus of American culture which projects its power to every remote corner of the globe today. The second myth is the dystopian nightmare, shared around the world and on the extreme wings of the American political left and right, of an omnipotent, rampaging, global hyper-power, the imperialist behemoth responsible for every negative aspect of reality, particularly in the Middle East.

It has been a commonplace of conversation, since my childhood in Beirut in the 1960s, for me to hear everything people do not like to be attributed to the actions of “the Americans.” What American studies must and should reveal is the absurdity of such caricatures, and replace them with an understanding of a society of enormous and increasing complexity that can exude at one moment breathtaking hubris and arrogance, and at the very next moment, at times even the very same moment, an extraordinary sense of fairness and generosity.

In particular, I believe it is vital for Arabs to understand the extremely complex and yet prosaic process of forming American policy, the results of which are often objectionable to many people in the Arab world. I been subjected personally for my entire life, both living in the Middle East and in Arab-American circles in the United States, to an extraordinary misperception of the processes that creates the consensus positions of the American government on the most pressing issues, particularly those involving foreign policy.

The great secret about the American political system is that there is no secret.

The challenge in understanding the evolution of US policy is in accepting the complexity of the forces at work – powerful financial interests and corporate lobbies, single issue power groups, large voting blocs, ideological interests, party machineries -- and, yes, both formal, lawful, and informal, unlawful, forms of corruption – almost all of which are played out in the public eye. It is extraordinary that even some Arab-American political scientists persist in describing American imperial policy – a term which seems perfectly apt to me – as if it were determined by some sort of cabal or secret process independent of the structures built into the constitutional and legal process. What these so-called experts have so woefully failed to realize is that there is no Wizard of Oz, to use a very American metaphor, behind the curtain. In fact, there is no curtain. What you see is what you get: one may describe it as a functioning representative democracy, an oligarchy in which wealth is disproportionately empowered, a process driven by personalities, or any number of other contingent or determinative models – most of them tending towards a utopian or dystopian interpretation of the system.

American political processes are played out in public, on a vast scale, and in my view there is little to no mystery as to how the system works. The American government was from its outset designed to be lobbied by powerful interests, and power can come in the form of financial or cultural capital, or large voting blocs among other accumulations of leverage. For most of the past half-century, to be absolutely frank, most Arab diplomacy in the United States has sought to discover which small group within the elite secretly crafts policy, and to capture its ears. It is only in recent years, and I mean years not decades, that most Arab embassies in Washington have begun to understand the need for serious, sustained congressional lobbying. And they are only beginning to show a glimmer of comprehension about the role of public opinion in American politics.

A good example of this complexity can be seen in the controversy over the influence of the organized pro-Israel lobby. Two senior American political scientists, John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, wrote first an article and then a book in which they argued – in an effectively dystopian reading – that the organized pro-Israel lobby has exercised a distorting and determinative role in shaping American policy, by making Israel a domestic issue in the hands of a small but powerful interest group comprised mainly of pro-Israel Jewish lobbies and more recently right-wing evangelical Christian fanatics. They argue that this consolidation of power by a minority special interest has harmed US national security and produced unbalanced, unwise policies, a dystopian argument to be sure. In a recent issue of the journal Foreign Affairs, another respected political scientist, Walter Russell Mead, attempted to refute this argument by demonstrating at great length the deep cultural basis in the United States for sympathy and support for the Israeli based on mainly utopian civic and religious ideals.

I will not rehash the details of these arguments because my point is that the complexity of American political society is such that both arguments are, in fact, largely accurate even though they position themselves as contradictory. There is no question that the pro-Israel lobby has had a profound impact, especially in Congress, in making questions regarding Israel essentially domestic political rather than foreign policy considerations and effectively placing them beyond the scope of major challenge at the national political level. However, Mead is absolutely correct that this analysis is insufficient to explain the depth of sympathy among the American public for Zionism, a concept that had a significant following in American Christian communities in the 19th century long before Theodore Herzl and the first Zionist Congress in the 1890s. These dystopian and utopian readings must be combined to gain a clear picture of the nature of the passionate American attachment for Israel, which sometimes does indeed look like the kind George Washington specifically warned against in his farewell address of 1796.

Moreover, it must be said that the inability of the Arabs and the Arab-Americans to successfully counter the influence of the pro-Israel lobby, or preferably to make common cause with it on the issue of finding a viable end of conflict agreement which would end the occupation provide for two states, Israel and Palestine, living side-by-side in peace and security, is in large measure a consequence of a failure to understand the processes by which American policy comes to be made and shifts slowly, almost glacially, over time due to the myriad levers of power through which it may be influenced. This of course is only one example, although one dear to the heart of almost every Arab, of the consequences of failing to understand the American political system.

There is a great deal of excitement across the world regarding what looks to be the imminent election of Sen. Barak Obama. There is no question that in terms of domestic political culture, this would constitute a seismic shift in US politics. In terms of the return of the Democratic Party to complete control of the government, it could represent a classic realignment. In terms of the rise to power of an African-American, it represents a cultural earthquake, the dramatic culmination of the civil rights movement and decades of struggle against racism and exclusion.

However, it would be a mistake to expect radical changes in policy as a result of such a shift, however dramatic it may be. The United States is about to elect a CEO, not a king. It is crucial to understand that lobbying is built into the American political system (“the right to petition their government for a redress of grievances,” which is in the First Amendment to the United States Constitution, seems to address directly the question of lobbying). Therefore, US policies on big-picture issues are determined by a very slow moving process in which dozens of centers of power attempt to influence the parameters of policy by manipulating the levers of power. These levers include votes, money, media power, congressional influence and many other forms of affecting the way people in power think about the issues. The actors using the levers of power include various different kinds of political formations, single interest groups, corporate interests, think tanks and other ideological formations, popular movements, religious entities, ethnic lobbies and so many more. In most cases there are multiple competing interests on any given set of issues. They fight it out over time, representing different constituencies, until a broad consensus framework is established that holds for a certain period of time until either events or a change in the domestic balance of power necessitates a revision. Any president must operate within the parameters of what can be done without encountering untenable opposition from other centers of power inside and outside of the government.

As someone who has worked in Washington on the some of most difficult issues possible for over 10 years now, and as an Arab-American, I have done my best to study of the founding of the American Republic and its fundamental ideology. In academic research on this era, we find the utopian and dystopian mythologies played out in full and in bitter competition. On the one hand is the uplifting saga of an oppressed people throwing off the yoke of colonial oppression in favor of an inspired and almost clockwork-like precise system of self-government reflecting a virtual perfection of checks and balances within its system. On the other hand, revisionists for many decades have argued that the founding was essentially a conservative rebellion by a wealthy oligarchy of white, in many cases slave-owning, males who wish to assert dominance over their own society as opposed to submitting to parliamentary dictates from London, and who wished to preserve their assets and privileges from increasing British usurpation.

In other words, was American independence genuinely revolutionary and liberatory, or fundamentally conservative and a re-inscription of oligarchical oppression? I am certain this question will never be answered definitively, because I believe that in fact both scenarios contain elements of the truth: in its fundamental ideology, the American Revolution contains some of the most profoundly liberatory political innovations in human history; in its practice it embodied from the beginning, and in some ways continues to express, forms of exclusion and oppression that are unconscionable.

However, I would argue strongly that there is a profound and universally compelling aspect to how this American political system has effectively functioned from a practical point of view for more than 200 years. And that is in its remarkable capacity for self-correction and re-stabilization. In virtually every major case of this kind of self-correction, change was accomplished through lawful or constitutional means, with one obvious exception. The question of slavery was deliberately postponed during the founding, particularly at the Constitutional Convention, and ultimately was settled only through the most sanguineous conflict in American history, the Civil War. And it is fair to say that, given the failure of Reconstruction following the war, the practical liberation of the African-American population in most parts of the country was further postponed until the civil rights movement of the 1960s and 70s, and to some extent continues until this very day.

However, it is noteworthy that in his remarkable second inaugural address, President Lincoln, a figure who is sometimes regarded with exaggerated hagiography, had the brutal frankness to proclaim to a public suffering an exceptionally fratricidal bloodbath that,
Yet, if God wills that it [this war] continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."
This surely is one of the harshest and most forthright self-condemnations and acceptance of the judgment of history in the name of self-correction that was ever uttered by the leader of any society – a dystopian evaluation in the name of a utopian ideal.

However, it is important to note that in its initial formation, the voting franchise in the United States was not only withheld from racial minorities and women, but also from non-propertied white males as well. In spite of the declarations of equality in the Declaration of Independence and other founding documents of the United States, the early political structures of the Republic reflected a distinction between dependent and propertied individuals, with only the latter considered to be full participants in the political process. To understand the subordinate role accorded to “dependent” white males and other disenfranchised groups, think in terms of the limitations to political participation placed on dependents as we now understand the term, that is to say children. At the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th centuries, this status of dependency was presumed to also apply to women, racial minorities (especially slaves), and white males without property.

During the reforms of the first half of the 19th century, the franchise was extended to all white males, regardless of property ownership or (some) residency requirements. In effect, non-propertied white males were allowed to behave politically as if they were propertied, that is to say as if they were property owners, insofar as their full political enfranchisement was concerned. In exchange, the implicit understanding was that the non-propertied majority would not use its electoral dominance to infringe on the property rights of the wealthy minority. Here again, we see a utopian gesture of republican equality employed in the service of what would certainly seem to many people to be a dystopian reality of radical inequality of property and income. This was a quintessentially American balancing act between majority rights and minority prerogatives, and again, a marriage rather than a compromise of dystopian and utopian tendencies within the political structures and philosophy of the Republic.

To be sure, many other struggles for justice including the labor, women’s and civil rights movements and other emancipatory projects have characterized the ability of the American system to adapt itself and to move however haltingly and glacially in the direction of its own stated revolutionary ideals. Many continue to this day and are yet to be completed: but as the candidacies of Barak Obama, to a lesser extent Hillary Clinton, and even in some ways Sarah Palin all show, movement and change are a constant feature of American political life. Sometimes changes that have been building for generations almost unnoticed erupt suddenly, and the unthinkable is instantly transformed into the inevitable. The young and still assimilating American Muslim community, under constant and vicious attack by bigots and Islamophobes of many varieties, has, in spite of significant cultural and civil liberties challenges in the post-9/11 era, during this same period has become represented by its first two members of Congress ever: Representatives Keith Ellison and Andre Carson.

Sometimes speaking with people in the Middle East and reading or watching the Arab media one is given the impression that life is impossible for Arab or Muslim Americans, or that the political system in the United States is closed to them. While few know the challenges in more gruesome detail than I do -- having written three major studies of hate crimes and discrimination against Arab Americans -- I can attest that the Arab and Muslim communities in the United States can and will thrive politically when they to organize themselves and engage system in an effective manner, and that will develop credibility, clout and ultimately influence on policy as well, if they attend equally to the responsibilities as well as the rights of American citizenship. They must think, speak and act first and foremost as Americans, not Arabs living in America. And I must, in all frankness, say that in my view the Arab world is neglecting its greatest single asset in the United States by largely dismissing and neglecting the Arab Americans.

I would argue that the greatest lesson the founders of the American Republic left as a legacy to its own people, and to the nations of the world, are not the mechanics of its political system and organization of checks and balances. Rather it is the insight that individual human motivations in the political and economic realms are ultimately and inevitably driven by narrow self-interest. This is not to say that altruism, statesmanship and nobility are inaccessible to the human being as a political animal. It is rather that the founders of the American Republic understood that they could and should not trust not only the motivations of each other, but even their own motivations. They accepted as axiomatic the primacy of self-interest and the corruption inherent in the accumulation of power. The most remarkable aspect of this universally applicable insight is that, in general, the founders of the United States did not trust their own motivations as individuals; that they questioned themselves and accepted that each of them personally would, or at least could, also be driven by narrow and parochial concerns.

They created a system designed to evolve with the times, to self-correct, and to strive continuously to achieve the ideals more eloquently elaborated in the Declaration of Independence and than codified in the United States Constitution. But they did not believe in the perfectibility of either society or the human individual, and as I say, the most enlightened of them understood that they could not trust themselves either as a group or as individuals to act in a disinterested manner. In other words, the founders of the Republic deployed a dystopian reading of “human nature” in the service of a utopian republican ideal, a quintessentially American gesture. This illustrates my broader point here perfectly: even at its most idealistic, the American fantasy of a political utopia, a "more perfect union," comes with a dystopian attitude already inscribed into it.

It strikes me that all of the philosophical insights of the Enlightenment and its political legacy, this realization is perhaps the most profound lesson the American experience and what might be called the ideology of the American Revolution offers to the rest of the world. It is precisely this epiphany that has provided the equilibrium and balance between the utopian and dystopian strains of the American polity and experience that has produced such a remarkably stable and self-regulating structure. This insight, which is not absolutely unique to the United States or its founders, but which was perhaps more keenly appreciated at that time and place than any other, could be incorporated into many different cultural contexts and political systems.

By no means does an appreciation of this crucial and decisive insight dictate a replication of the American constitutional system of checks and balances between discrete branches of government. Rather than a specific formula for the clockwork operation of a government apparatus, this recognition of fundamental and universal human frailty of individual interests suggests an ethos or an attitude that the American experience can offer the rest of the world both in terms of understanding how Americans view and operate their own politics domestically and in terms of what the American model can offer to other, especially developing, states in constructing stable and self reinforcing systems of government that include maximal levels of accountability, transparency and rule of law.

Unfortunately, this remarkable American insight – that power not only corrupts, but is dangerous not only to those who are subject to power but also to the powerful themselves – has never been applied in a sustained manner to the American approach to international relations. In spite of Wilsonian rhetoric in the wake of the First World War and the spate of international agreements and treaties and the founding of United Nations in the wake of the Second, in fact the United States has continued to regard international relations as a sphere in which its founding insight into the corruption and limitation of power simply does not apply.

Instead, the United States has continuously clung, as virtually all major powers have throughout the ages, to a policy of maximizing its own coercive influence under all circumstances. There can be no question that international law has been and continues to be regarded by most American administrations at most times as a tool of statecraft to be employed in the narrow pursuit of national interests rather than a system to be upheld universally, and which should apply to the United States, its institutions and officials, and closest allies, well as to all others. Indeed, a commonplace contempt for international law and multilateral institutions, particularly the United Nations, is a dominant feature of American political culture and discourse. These conventions and institutions are seen at best as a tool to be deployed when convenient and at worst as a positive encumbrance on the arbitrary will of the United States to project its power.

The recent invasion and occupation of Iraq was a good example of the very height of this contempt, when the Bush administration sought and did not receive permission for this action from the UN Security Council, and went ahead with the war regardless. This dismissive attitude was even more crudely expressed by then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld who said derisively of the fixed alliances such as NATO upon which traditional US Cold War foreign policy had been based, words to the effect that the mission defines the alliance, but the alliance does not define the mission. During this heady period of post-9/11 rage and intoxication, even fixed alliances were seen as unnecessary encumbrances to the projection of American power.

There is every reason to believe that during the second term of the Bush administration this attitude has undergone considerable revision and that it will be further revised by the next administration especially if Sen. Obama prevails. My point, however, is that while Americans have accepted at such a fundamental level that they understand, virtually without consciously articulating the principal, that power is corrupting and dangerous even for the powerful, and that balance is useful even for the stronger parties in a relationship given the virtues of restraint in politics, the United States has never seriously attempted to consider that this same principle could or should apply at the international level as well. In the post-Cold War era the consensus that has barely been challenged, if at all, in the United States that maximal power for our country on the global scene is simply and uncomplicatedly in the best interests of the United States. The idea is virtually unheard of that any real system of balance or restraint, let alone the emergence of regional not to mention global multi-polarity, might actually be useful and beneficial not only for the peoples of the world and the global system generally, but also for the United States itself.

For example, it could well be argued that the United States would have benefited from being restrained from the grave error of its ongoing Mesopotamian adventure had the Security Council’s prerogative not to authorize any Chapter 7 application of force – that is to say the invasion and occupation of Iraq – had been respected by our country. Change is a constant at all levels of human life, and there is no question that while the end of the Cold War ushered in a limited period of unipolarity in international relations, a subsequent and emerging era of multipolarity is beginning to develop. However, every national security strategy document produced since the late 1980s commits the United States to resisting and opposing the acquisition of additional influence by both global and regional forces. In other words, it is the considered policy and the consensus of the American foreign policy establishment to attempt, like King Canute, in vain to try to hold back the waves of change and enforce an unsustainable and quickly eroding status quo of unipolarity for as long as possible, without acting now to shape the coming era of multipolarity.

In addition to the myriad obvious problems associated with such an unrealistic strategy, this approach does not recognize the limitations of American power, however unrivaled it may presently be. I believe the experience in Iraq has revealed those limitations in a most unhelpful and unhealthy, but also unmistakable, manner. I have long argued that Americans should begin to consider applying at least some elements of the appreciation of the problems associated with unfettered power, including the negative effects on the powerful themselves, on the question of international relations and the management of the emergent multipolar global system rather than a vain effort to resist its inevitable development.

I am not arguing that we need an international “democracy” of states that reflects democratic principles that might be found within an individual state. I doubt that anyone would seriously consider treating the government of, for example, North Korea as an equally respectable and responsible international actor as any other. However, I do believe that both in its own interests and in the interests of the global order and the peoples and states of the world, the United States has a great opportunity, which it is presently squandering, to manage the transition from a unipolar to a multipolar world.

Rather than resisting inevitable change, the long-run interests of the United States, as well as the peoples of the world, would be better served by American support for the strengthening of international law and legitimacy, and the institutionalization of strong multilateral institutions designed to thwart unwarranted aggression or coercion on the international scene. This would be popular, and would prove to the benefit of the United States as newly empowered actors on regional and indeed the global scene begin to emerge and project their power.

As it stands, given the record of the past eight years, and even the past 18 years in many ways, the United States is ill positioned to argue against unilateral actions and disregard for international law by newly emerging powers. This is especially distressing given that the great American utopian/dystopian hybrid insight about the benefits of restriction of power even for the powerful themselves has been so missing from the American approach to international affairs for most of our history, and especially now when it could have such a powerfully positive impact.

It strikes me that friends of the United States in the Middle East, informed by centers of American studies, could be well positioned to help more Americans begin to understand that their own brilliant national insight into the functioning of power in a domestic political context almost certainly has applications on the international stage as well. In other words, I would urge students of the American experience in the Middle East to try to begin to find a way to incorporate this understanding of the dangers of unfettered power in their own societies, and to help their American friends and allies understand that the same dynamics can apply to some extent in the field of international relations as well.

III. The utopian and dystopian in American art and culture

In the final section of my talk here before you today, I would like to address the question of American culture and its global influence. American popular culture, and especially its homogenizing consumerism and hegemonic advertising, is well recognized throughout the world. It has its supporters and its loud, vocal and compelling critics. I think that more than enough has been said throughout the world, including in the Middle East, about the influence of McDonald’s, Coca-Cola, Hollywood schlock, garbage television, and all the other elements of the vast apparatus of what Adorno called “the great Wurlitzer” of American popular culture. But I think what is often missing in the conversation both inside and outside the United States about American culture is the profound influence of the fine arts from the United States, often intermingled with its popular culture - again raising the tensions between a dystopian “Coca-Cola” version of American culture and its relations to the sublime aesthetic achievements which I would like to briefly touch upon as I conclude today.

Much of the greatest art of the United States has its roots in the cultures of the common people of the country, particularly that uniquely American musical form, the blues, best exemplified by early practitioners such as Charley Patton and the immortal Robert Johnson. By its own self-definition, the blues - denoting depression and despair - is nothing if not dystopian and, at its best, is sublimely uplifting at the same time. The reverberations of Mississippi Delta blues can be heard in music throughout the world, as can that other quintessentially American musical form, Jazz. Here we are talking about contributions to global culture of a profound and sophisticated variety.

In the West, strict distinctions are frequently drawn between “serious” and “popular” music, but who can seriously doubt the achievements of artists like Miles Davis or Bob Dylan? Some might point to Bach, Mozart, Mahler and the like, but such an exclusive attachment to an established cannon of high art would also mean measuring the value of every writer against the achievements of Shakespeare, Cervantes and Dostoyevsky. Even when limited to the realm of Western culture, it would eliminate the potential for alternative, innovative and hybrid approaches, and inhibit the appreciation of artistic production reflecting its contemporary cultural context. Indeed, the contemporary minimalism of composers such as John Cage, Steven Reich and Philip Glass could well be heard as the soundtrack of our postmodern era. There is no need, I am sure, to mention the global impact of rock, hip-hop and, increasingly, sampling and other recent innovations, music that reflects the technology, pace, pastiche and repetition compulsion of the way we live now that reaches far beyond the confines of a narrow audience in American artistic circles and touches, I believe, all those who live as postmodern subjects.

American literature is undoubtedly taken seriously, but in the United States at least usually in terms in that tired old cliché of the “great American novel,” of which probably the original and only real example is Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby. Indeed, ironically, while Americans tend to think of themselves as a nation of novelists, it could well be argued that a large majority of the most important and influential American writers were in fact poets, which ought to tell you something about the gap between the American prosaic self perception and the poetic heights its culture can and does actually achieve.

Literary Modernism, the transition from the Romanticism of the late 18th- late 19th centuries to an artistic sensibility that focuses on the interior psychology of the ordinary person -- the Modernist antihero -- and the valor of suffering the indignities of daily life as represented for example by T.S. Eliot’s narrator in The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock, or James Joyce’s Leopold Bloom and Stephen Dedalus in Ulysses, most strongly has its origins in the work of a great and underappreciated American author: Edgar Allan Poe. In stylistic terms, Poe was the last of the great Romantic writers, and there is nothing Modernist about his style. However, his subject matter, his endless fascination with the often twisted interior dialogues of his characters, their elusive and weird subjectivity, set the stage for the Modernist shifting of artistic sensibility from Romantic grand and neoclassical themes (think "Ode to a Grecian Urn" or any of the Beethoven symphonies) to investing the most mundane commonplaces of everyday life with both a profound and an ironic significance.

There can be little doubt that it was the American Poe who provided the basis for Charles Baudelaire to virtually invent the Modernist literary style in Les Fleurs de mal. The process continued with Jules Laforgue who -- taking a sensibility that originated with Poe and then developed into a radical new style by Baudelaire -- articulated the voice of the Modernist antihero. And it is from the language of Laforgue that T.S. Eliot learned to speak and gave us literary Modernism in its most fully developed forms: the poems in Prufrock, and above all The Wasteland. No slight to James Joyce or Marcel Proust intended, but the lineage of literary Modernism really is Poe-Baudelaire-Laforgue-Eliot. It is surely no coincidence that the tension between utopian and dystopian in American cultural sensibility was at the very foundation of the development of the Modernist literary sensibility that seeks to find the heroic in the mundane and to simultaneously universalize and satirize the neoclassical ideals of Romanticism -- or that the great collaborators with the Americans in the Modernist project were the French, authors of the other great political and cultural revolution produced by the Enlightenment.

Literary Postmodernism too has its origins in a uniquely American sensibility. William Burroughs, in particular, along with the other key beatnik writers gave us a new aesthetic for the atomic age based on pastiche, radical nonlinearity of narrative, anti-commercialism and an almost Sadean drive to press the limits of the imagination in defiance of or in collaboration with new forms of technology that were both threatening and inspiring at the same moment. This same era, let us admit, up to and including the present day above all in the United States, has provided us some of the worst poetry ever celebrated and well-regarded in English language in the form of a Postmodern (as opposed to the Modernist) “confessional” style that asks us to be interested in trivialities devoid of significance simply because they are presented in the guise of “poetry.” But in spite of the achievements of Burroughs, Pynchon and a handful of other accomplished Postmodernist writers, narrative art has shifted definitively, in my view, away from the novel and toward the film.

Perhaps the increasingly recognized fine art form of the comic or graphic novel at its best stands some way in between the two media of literature and film. It has come to the point where almost more American films seem to be based on comics and graphic novels than on literary texts anyway. It would be invidious, then, not to acknowledge the greatness of a true American original, the "comic art" genius Robert Crumb. Controversial though he may be, I believe Crumb is without question the preeminent American satirist of his era, a celebrator of the not only dystopian but the grotesque in American life. With an honesty that is breathtakingly, uncomfortably unflinching, Crumb explores the depths of contemporary American society and popular culture and, as Robert Hughes has argued, should properly be placed in the tradition of Brueghel and Goya.

No study of contemporary American culture would be complete without a serious consideration of the most provocative work Crumb has produced, particularly his merciless interrogations of in the racism and sexism embedded in mainstream American culture including his indefensibly misogynistic depictions of monstrous and headless women, and his two extraordinarily controversial and brazen satirical rants, “When the Niggers Take Over America!” and “When the Goddamn Jews Take Over America!" These satires were so shocking, scandalous, powerful and incisive that they were actually adopted as brilliant expositions of their own attitudes by some of the worst racist groups in the United States, so foolish and ignorant that they proved unable to recognize they were being lampooned -- although, at the same time this demonstrates how truly piercing satire can come dangerously close to reproducing that which it mocks and how thin is the line a really fearless satirist must walk. There isn't much in contemporary American culture or art that can match Crumbs' merciless satires such as these in interrogating the dystopian strain of American mainstream culture.

The world’s contemporary major narrative medium, film, in spite of its largely American origins is ironically not, at its highest level of artistic achievement, a quintessentially American art form. Historically its greatest practitioners – geniuses such as Hitchcock, Kurosawa, Eisenstein and Buñuel – have generally not been Americans in spite of the relentless narrative factory of Hollywood, and its embrace of brilliant refugees like Fritz Lang and Billy Wilder, or the importation of artistic genius such as Hitchcock's. The great homegrown exception, of course, was the amazing prodigy Orson Welles, driven almost instantaneously from Hollywood and from America, and all but banished by the commercial apparatus of cinema.

Interestingly, however, in my view perhaps the most innovative and important film director working today is not only an American, but a crafter of Americana, a reveler in and lover of American culture and society as well as one of its fiercest and most savage critics. David Lynch, in my estimation, is an artist of the highest stature, head and shoulders above any of his peers around the world working at present in the medium of cinema and now digital video. His subject is, in fact, America itself. His early work such as Eraserhead, Blue Velvet and Twin Peaks, both the television series and the film (which is both prequel and antithesis to the television program), are literally as American as apple pie (pie being an obsession for Lynch, especially in Twin Peaks).

However, in his more recent work including Lost Highway, Mulholland Dr. and Inland Empire, Lynch has managed to create an entirely new genre: an American surrealism that carries forward and elaborates on the European surrealistic achievements of the likes of Breton, Ernst, Dali and Artaud, and threatens, I think, to at least equal those of the greatest cinematic surrealist of them all, Don Luis Buñuel. I do not believe there is a more significant living American artist working in any medium, and given that his subject is America and Americana, I would urge that his work be studied seriously in centers such as this one. One could not find a recent artistic production more evocative of the dynamic tension between the utopian and dystopian strains in American life, culture and imagination than Mulholland Dr., which I would not hesitate to call the greatest American film of the past 30 years at the very least. Lynch's cinema has been aptly described as "beautiful dark," which is about as pithy an encapsulation as one is likely to encounter of the utopian-dystopian American hybridity I have been trying to describe.

I would like to close today by speaking briefly about Mark Rothko, perhaps the quintessential American painter of the second half of the 20th century (the British artist Francis Bacon probably exceeding him in international importance). Rothko’s late works, particularly those indescribable 14 black monochrome paintings housed at the Rothko Chapel in Houston, Texas represent a unique artistic achievement and really could only have been produced in and by late 20th century American creativity. These gigantic paintings, which at first glance appear to be simply masses of black pigment on enormous canvases for me powerfully evoke both indescribable despair and ineffable hope, a sense of the death of traditional Western culture and the rebirth of something new and infinitely more powerful, that lies at the heart of the dystopian threat and utopian promise of American culture at its most powerful.

Some critics, anthropologists and even historians of religion like Mercea Eliade saw Rothko’s descent into spaces of utter and overwhelming darkness as a return to the Neanderthal cave, a tremendous regression bordering on the defeat of the human spirit. I think this is precisely incorrect. In Rothko’s final paintings, I believe we can experience a spiritual and psychological journey into the macrocosm of endless and collapsing space and time -- the possibilities suggested by the vertiginous discoveries of contemporary physics -- and at the same time into the microcosm of the human psyche, into that powerful agnostic space of wonder at the unknowability and inaccessibility of both the self and the other (the other in this case standing for the totality of incomprehensible reality). When contemplated seriously, these so-called black monochromes reveal infinities of detail of tone, shade and texture. They welcome you into what Rothko himself called, “unknown adventures in an unknown space.”

If Western art of the first three quarters of the 20th century was dominated by the likes of Picasso, Dali, Kandinsky and Klee, all Europeans, whose work fundamentally reshaped and expanded Western consciousness, then Rothko and his zenith of darkness and impenetrability invite an experience approximating a confrontation with consciousness itself. His final work suggests a register of experience beyond the categories of space and time. In a Nietzschean and almost cosmic sense, it represents the nadir of the dystopian threat of the American experience representing in the most nihilistic manner the death of culture, the obliteration of both religion and rational understanding, and the extermination of the aesthetic as it has heretofore been recognized by almost all human societies.

At the same moment and through the same method, these paintings liberate the viewer from all the illusions carefully constructed by and for all of us from the moment of birth that bear no resemblance to the most fundamental truth of existence - the impossible coexistence of being and nothingness - and announce infinite possibilities for the regeneration and explosion of consciousness and a genuine transcendence of the profane, mundane and delusional ideologies of ego, consumerism and literalist faux spirituality. Ironically, of course, the paintings themselves are enormously valuable commercial commodities and the subject of considerable fetishism, including in my remarks here. That underlying reality notwithstanding, I do think they can be read as presaging at least the potential of a new aesthetic, a new cultural spirit and a new philosophy far better suited to all that we now know -- and much more importantly all that we increasingly understand we do not know -- about our lives and our universe. Radically dystopian and exuberantly utopian in the same gesture, the final paintings of Mark Rothko represent, to me at least, the very finest and most universal offering contemporary American fine arts present to the rest of the human family.

What I am suggesting then is that a potentially useful framework for studying American culture and society in the Arab world are the debates opened up by examining the dynamic tension between and hybrid formations created by the dystopian and utopian strains in American domestic politics and foreign policy, and in the best of American fine art. I congratulate the University of Bahrain and its American Studies Center in beginning to make American society and culture the subject of serious study here in the Middle East, and I hope that universities around the region emulate your example.

Ibishblog
The weblog of Hussein Ibish

Recent Books

My comment posted online RE Clinton hints at shift toward Israeli stance, Calls concessions on settlements ‘unprecedented’; Abbas rejects bid

RE: Clinton hints at shift toward Israeli stance, Calls concessions on settlements ‘unprecedented’; Abbas rejects bid http://www.boston.com/news/world/middleeast/articles/2009/11/01/clinton_hints_at_shift_toward_israeli_stance/


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anneselden wrote:

Nudging a just and lasting peace into place is not easy, but it is a necessary step for all involved. Keep your eye on the ball: The Arab Peace Initiative

1. Requests Israel to reconsider its policies and declare that a just peace is its strategic option as well.

2. Further calls upon Israel to affirm:

I- Full Israeli withdrawal from all the territories occupied since 1967, including the Syrian Golan Heights, to the June 4, 1967 lines as well as the remaining occupied Lebanese territories in the south of Lebanon.

II- Achievement of a just solution to the Palestinian refugee problem to be agreed upon in accordance with U.N. General Assembly Resolution 194.


III- The acceptance of the establishment of a sovereign independent Palestinian state on the Palestinian territories occupied since June 4, 1967 in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, with East Jerusalem as its capital.


3. Consequently, the Arab countries affirm the following:

I- Consider the Arab-Israeli conflict ended, and enter into a peace agreement with Israel, and provide security for all the states of the region.


II- Establish normal relations with Israel in the context of this comprehensive peace.
http://www.al-bab.com/Arab/docs/league/peace02.htm

Forever more all the world will know how reasonable and right the Arab Peace Initiative has been- let us hope that Israel embraces this golden opportunity to do the right thing... for every one's sake

Sincerely,
Anne Selden Annab

Article 1.

  • All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.

Students Fighting to End Israeli Apartheid: Palestinian Refugees and the Right of Return

Key Issues

Palestinian Refugees and the Right of Return

The Palestinian refugees are a largely disenfranchised majority of Palestinians, about half of which live in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and the other half of which live in refugee camps throughout the Middle East or have emigrated to other parts of the world. The refusal of the Israeli government to recognize their rights as refugees to return is one of the biggest symptoms of the apartheid regime.

Contents

Historical Context and the Nakbah

Refugee from the Nakba Oversees Refugee CampThe mass expulsion of Palestinians from their homes in 1948 is called the Nakbah, an Arabic word for “catastrophe.” In late 1947, there were approximately 900,000 Palestinians in the area that was called Israel in 1948 after the Declaration. Within a year and a half, around 750,000 of them were driven out to become stateless refugees. Only 16% of the original Palestinian population in the area that became Israel was allowed to stay within the 1948 borders and, after being subjected to martial law for nearly two decades, were finally granted citizenship in 1967.

Palestinians Flee During NakbaThe Nakbah occurred during a war between Israel and a number of surrounding Arab countries. Israeli leaders used this war as an opportunity to shape the demographics of the land they had taken over in their favor, establishing a clear Jewish majority in the area that became Israel. Benny Morris, a leading Israeli historian, writes that at least 24 organized massacres occurred in 1948: “That can’t be chance. It’s a pattern. Apparently, various officers who took part in the operation understood that the expulsion order they received permitted them to do these deeds in order to encourage the population to take to the roads. The fact is that no one was punished for these acts of murder. Ben-Gurion [the first Israeli Prime Minister] silenced the matter. He covered up for the officers who did the massacres” (Morris, 2004).

Palestinian Refugee Girl after NakbahThese massacres were used to terrorize the Palestinian population, as villagers were threatened by Israeli military officials that they would suffer the same fate as their compatriots if they did not leave. After the end of the war, the Israeli government used bureaucratic means to deny citizenship for Palestinians who fled so that their refugee status would become permanent and the state’s goals of maintaining a Jewish majority of citizens could be realized.

The Nakbah was not supported by all Jewish parties when it happened. Aharon Zisling, a minister from the left-wing Mapam party, said on June 16 1948: “We are embarking on a course that will most greatly endanger any hope of a peaceful alliance with forces that could be our allies in the Middle East… Hundreds of thousands of Arabs who will be evicted from Palestine [...] will grow up to hate us [...] If you do things in the heat of war, in the midst of battle, it’s one thing. But if, after a month, you do it in cold blood, for political reasons, in public, that is something altogether different” (Flapan, 1987: 110).

The Rights of Refugees

Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that “Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country,” as well as “Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state.”

Furthermore, in December of 1948, after the end of the war between Israel and a number of neighboring Arab countries, the United Nations passed UN General Assembly Resolution 194, which in Article 11 “Resolves that the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible.”

Palestinian Man Holds Key to Lost HomeWhile the right of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes was understood as inviolable for decades, Israeli and US governments of late have taken to treating those rights as negotiable (Source). Some Palestinian politicians have voiced their willingness to negotiate on the issue. However, it is important to recognize that there is no political organization or institution which represents the millions of Palestinian refugees who do not live in the Gaza Strip or the West Bank. Finally, the right of refugees is not a collective right which can be bargained away, but rather is one which applies to individual refugees, each of which have the right to choose whether or not to return or to receive compensation.

Many Palestinians still have the deeds and keys to their old homes, keeping them as reminders that their claims to their homes will not disappear. The phrase “We Will Return” has also been used by Palestinian refugees who will never forget the crimes committed against them and their families during the Nakbah.

Why Israel Continues to Violate the Rights of Refugees

Israel has never acknowledged the right of Palestinian refugees to return because it knows that such a return would spoil its project of maintaining a Jewish majority within its borders. These refugees do not pose a threat to Jewish communities within Israel, but rather to the Israeli state ideology which leaves no room for a non-Jewish identity within Israel. Israel’s goal has never been to be a democracy for its citizens, but rather a Jewish democracy.

Sources

Flapan, Simha, 1987: The Birth of Israel — Myths and Realities.

Morris, Benny, 1989: The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947-1949

Morris, Benny, 2004: interview with Ari Shavit in Ha’aretz

My letter to the Wash Post RE Israel putting forth 'unprecedented' concessions, Clinton says, But Palestinians reject Netanyahu's offer on settlements


RE: Israel putting forth 'unprecedented' concessions, Clinton says, But Palestinians reject Netanyahu's offer on settlements

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/10/31/AR2009103102460.html?hpid=topnews

Dear Editor,

"Denying Palestinians their basic human and civil rights perpetuates conflict and serves as proof that the Israeli government is not serious about peace. Nevertheless, the Palestinian people remain strategically committed to a peaceful resolution to the conflict. But without an end to Israel's military occupation and its withdrawal from all territories occupied in 1967, peace will remain elusive." Ambassador Maen Areikat, PLO representative to the United States
http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2009/10/27/ED3H1AB8QM.DTL#ixzz0VHGZLm7B

Negotiations must be about all sides FULLY respecting international law, basic human rights- and the Arab Peace Initiative which clearly calls for an end to Israel's illegal occupation. The Arab Peace Initiative emanates "from the conviction of the Arab countries that a military solution to the conflict will not achieve peace or provide security for the parties"

Sincerely,
Anne Selden Annab


My letter to the LA Times RE Clinton praises Israel stance on peace talks

A Palestinian man rides a camel along the Mediterranean sea side as dark clouds travel in the sky in Gaza City, Friday, Oct. 30, 2009. (AP Photo/Hatem Moussa)

RE: Clinton praises Israel stance on peace talks, In the Mideast to restart Israeli-Palestinian peace talks, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton calls Israeli offers on Jewish settlement growth 'unprecedented,' but the Palestinians insist on a freeze.
http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-us-mideast1-2009nov01,0,6461818.story

Dear Editor,

"Israeli actions, such as the expansion of illegal settlements, building of the wall, internal closures, ethnic cleansing of Palestinian residents of Jerusalem, and the siege of the Gaza Strip are meant to torpedo any prospects for peace. Israel refuses to implement U.N. resolutions. These policies have increased tensions between Palestinians and Israelis, derailed attempts to broker a peace agreement and emboldened extremists everywhere." Ambassador Maen Areikat, PLO representative to the United States
http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2009/10/27/ED3H1AB8QM.DTL#ixzz0VHGZLm7B

Israel needs to end its illegal occupation, stop oppressing and displacing the people of historic Palestine- and reverse its segregation policies and investments in institutionalized bigotry... for everyone's sake.

Sincerely,
Anne Selden Annab


Palestinian Bedouin Umm Ghalib Al-Azzazneh, prepares traditional Arabic bread outside her tent on top of a mountain on the outskirts of the West Bank city of Ramallah, Tuesday, Oct. 27, 2009. (AP Photo/Muhammed Muheisen)