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Saturday, April 27, 2013

This Week in Palestine: Palestinian Institutions A Story of Perseverance ... Salam Fayyad "This was not about roads, buildings, or infrastructure, despite their importance. This plan was about statehood, citizen participation, and enfranchisement. It was based on the vision of establishing a functional framework where government is accountable and citizens participate in the widest and most effective way possible in decision-making and governance."

Prime Minister Salam Fayyad inaugurating olive harvest season in Jayyous village, Qalqilia on 10 November 2012. Photo by photojournalist Mustafa Abu Dayya, Office of the Prime Minister.
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Palestinian Institutions A Story of Perseverance

 http://www.thisweekinpalestine.com/details.php?id=3981&ed=217&edid=217

By Salam Fayyad


In late August 2009, the Palestinian government introduced a state-building plan that set ambitious goals for Palestinian institutions and sought to arrive at a point of institutional readiness on a par with established states. This plan included the implementation of hundreds of projects, such as schools, healthcare facilities, and other infrastructure. The government also implemented far-reaching reforms in the financial, judicial, governance, and security sectors with efficacy.

In conjunction with the reforms and state-building effort, the government decreased its reliance on outside assistance by 60 percent in five years, in relation to the GDP, by improving tax collection and enacting serious fiscal reform, as well as creating the legal and institutional framework to encourage private-sector-led development. In addition, per capita income returned, in real terms, to its pre-2000 levels. In other words, the Palestinian economy recovered from the output losses sustained as a direct consequence of the tightening of Israeli restrictions during the years of the second Intifada.

But conceptually, the significance of this enterprise lay in the translation of the Palestinian political context and agenda into reality by building efficient, accountable, and responsible institutions of the state that can provide citizens with the best services possible, despite the limited means.

This was not about roads, buildings, or infrastructure, despite their importance. This plan was about statehood, citizen participation, and enfranchisement. It was based on the vision of establishing a functional framework where government is accountable and citizens participate in the widest and most effective way possible in decision-making and governance.

As political and diplomatic efforts were to advance the political agenda to end the occupation and establish a sovereign state on the land Israel occupied in 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital, the government was to create the needed institutional framework to carry out the responsibilities of a full-fledged sovereign state.

This vision, with all that it entailed by way of self-imposed benchmarks and priorities, was not adopted because its elements were prerequisites to Palestinian statehood. The right to live as free people, with dignity, in a country of our own, is an absolute, natural, and national right of the Palestinian people that enjoys unanimous recognition from the international community. We unilaterally set these goals in order to create institutions capable of performing to the satisfaction of our public and in a manner worthy of their sacrifices in our long struggle for freedom. The concept was to create enough positive momentum to push the world to take practical steps to help end the occupation, which would enable us to fulfil our potential and enjoy our right to live in our sovereign state.

The State of Palestine is now a regional leader in the areas of fiscal transparency, fighting corruption, and social assistance programmes. In the public sector, women have taken their rightful position in leadership and decision-making positions, including the police and judiciary. Women also head significant and world-acclaimed public institutions, such as the Central Bureau of Statistics and the Capital Market Authority, and for the first time, a woman became a Governor and six women assumed key cabinet positions, and in the process, made the Palestinian government, at least in this sense, the most progressive in the region.

In line with these institutional achievements, the level of international awareness and engagement rose. Countries and regional blocs, such as the European Union, adopted progressive positions regarding occupied East Jerusalem and Palestinian statehood. 

Of equal significance, the international donor community adopted the Palestinian government’s development priorities, affirming its commitment to investing in areas classified as C, which make up more than 60 percent of the West Bank, and supporting Palestinian development and perseverance in East Jerusalem. This supports our standing position: that such development efforts are essential to contributing to rolling back the occupation and realising Palestinian sovereignty.

These international positions and actions, among others, are steps in the right direction because they align policy with practice and bring both into harmony with international law and the standing legal and moral obligations that states have towards enabling us to establish our own state.
 
Two years ago, the international community recognised our efforts and stated unanimously that Palestine boasts the institutions of a functional, established state. In addition to this recognition, the international community and specialised agencies also recognised what we have affirmed all along: in order for us to protect what we have achieved thus far and develop further, as is our right, the Israeli occupation must end.

The punishing, unnatural condition of living under an oppressive occupation denies us our inalienable right to live in a free country of our own, empowered to develop our lives and economy to their full potential. That has been our message all along and for the past two years, it has been the world’s standing position.

Ironically, around the time we succeeded in getting world recognition of our institutional readiness for statehood in early 2011, the Palestinian economy was beginning to suffer the ill effects of financial difficulties, which subsequently turned into a deep financial crisis. This was due to a shortfall in foreign aid and it was further vastly complicated by Israel’s withholding of our tax revenues.

Sadly and wrongly, some claimed that the ensuing failure on the part of the government to meet its financial obligations on time reflected a lack of readiness for statehood. I say “wrongly” because this claim disregards the fact that sovereign and developed states that have been around for centuries could face, and in fact have faced, serious economic and financial crises. But in no way and at no point did such financial crises form a basis for asserting that any one of these countries no longer qualified for statehood.

In our case, we said all along that a distinction needs to be made between lack of functionality due to financial difficulties, on the one hand, and lack of institutional capacity causing dysfunction, on the other. I maintain that the financial difficulties we have faced and continue to face in no way detract from our institutional readiness, which has been acknowledged universally, including in the landmark resolution adopted by the United Nations General Assembly last November.

For despite the deep financial crisis and the government’s inability to meet its financial obligations towards its employees and partners on time, Palestinian institutions exhibited resilience and determination. Our institutions continued to provide vital services to the public, despite disruptions and unrest, including a devastating storm, the likes of which Palestine had not seen in six decades.

This crisis risked striking at the Palestinian spirit, which insists on building and moving forward towards freedom. It risked implanting despair and frustration as well as paralysing the functional and accountable institutions that Palestinians have built. That must not be allowed to happen. We are determined to protect our right to establish a sovereign state whose institutions are ready and capable to tap into the potential we have been unjustly denied as a people.

Palestinians have a long and prosperous history of entrepreneurship and success that often seems to be achieved against all odds. As far back as the mid-1800s, Palestinian educators, artists, journalists, philanthropists, and entrepreneurs made an indelible imprint on their fields in the region and worldwide. Since the Nakba 65 years ago, our resilience and innate optimism have been key to our people’s survival and perseverance. And while the reality of occupation and the absence of a political horizon inevitably cause frustration and may even produce despair, they cannot in our case lead to a sense of surrender to circumstance or defeat.

The State of Palestine will materialise. This is an historic inevitability whose achievement we, as a people, have helped accelerate by staying steadfast and deeply rooted in our homeland, building where the occupation demolishes and planting where it uproots.

Institution building in Palestine was and will continue to be about reflecting our people’s unassailable spirit and determination to realise and enjoy freedom and provide them with nothing less than what they rightly deserve: excellence. That is why it is a continuing effort, one that can and will withstand adversity. This is an endeavour motivated by the most powerful and universal of all ideas: freedom and our natural right to enjoy it.

His Excellency Salam Fayyad is Prime Minister of the State of Palestine.

Israeli forces uproot 700 olive trees near Jenin


NABLUS (Ma'an) -- Israeli forces on Thursday uprooted over 700 olive trees near Arraba village in the northern West Bank, Palestinian Legislative Council member Najah Abu Bakr said.

The trees belonged to Palestinians in Arraba, south of Jenin, close to the Israeli settlement Mevo Dotan, the MP said in a statement.

On Tuesday, Israeli forces destroyed over 1,300 olive trees in the south Hebron hills of the southern West Bank.

Thursday, April 25, 2013

CNN online Dean Obeidallah: I'm Muslim, and I hate terrorism

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http://www.cnn.com/2013/04/24/opinion/obeidallah-muslims-hate-terrorism/index.html

Wed April 24, 2013

Editor's note: Dean Obeidallah, a former attorney, is a political comedian and frequent commentator on various TV networks including CNN. He is the co-director of the upcoming documentary "The Muslims Are Coming!" and co-host of a new CNN podcast "The Big Three" that looks at the top three stories of the week. Follow him on Twitter @deanofcomedy

(CNN) -- I'm an American-Muslim and I despise Islamic terrorists. In fact, despise is not even a strong enough word to convey my true feelings about those who kill innocent people in the name of Islam. I hate them with every fiber of my being.

I'm not going to tell you, "Islam is a religion of peace." Nor will I tell you that Islam is a religion of violence. What I will say is that Islam is a religion that, like Christianity and Judaism, is intended to bring you closer to God. And sadly we have seen people use the name of each of these Abrahamic faiths to wage and justify violence.

The unique problem for Muslims is that our faith is being increasingly defined by the actions of a tiny group of morally bankrupt terrorists. Just to be clear: The people who commit violence in the name of Islam are not Muslims, they are murderers. Their true religion is hatred and inhumanity.

The only people terrorists speak for are themselves and the others involved in their despicable plot. They do not represent me, my family or any other Muslim I know. And believe me, I know a lot of Muslims.

We hate these terrorists more than non-Muslims do. How can I say that? Because they harm innocent people in the name of our religion and consequently we suffer a backlash because of their acts. It can be anything from a spike in hate crimes to people viewing Muslims as less than fully American because of our faith. We are the ones called to answer for the sins of people we detest.

Since the Boston bombing has renewed for some concerns about Muslims, I wanted to candidly answer three questions I have been asked repeatedly over the years...READ MORE 

Hassan Khader: "Here's how we really should frame the relevant questions. What makes young men, in the prime of their lives, believe that killing others, including at a sports event, is some kind of sacred duty? And can they really identify with an imaginary "nation," one that transcends boundaries and ethnicities, no less? And what will it take to make people on all four corners of earth unite in putting an end to this barbaric pattern and bringing such young men to their senses?"

[AS ALWAYS PLEASE GO TO THE LINK TO READ GOOD ARTICLES IN FULL: HELP SHAPE ALGORITHMS (and conversations) THAT EMPOWER DECENCY, DIGNITY, JUSTICE & PEACE... and hopefully Palestine]
 http://www.americantaskforce.org/mourning_martin_richard

By Hassan Khader
Al Ayam (Palestine)
April 23, 2013

I was deeply struck by the photo of the eight-year-old American child, Martin Richard, who was the third casualty of the Boston bombings. It was apparently taken a few months before his horrifying death. He is seen holding up a placard on which he had written: “No more hurting people…peace.” It seems he wrote this plea as a heartfelt response and a child's public intervention after attending a class about a racist killing of an African American.

He could not have imagined that, meanwhile, two young men of Chechen origin -- seemingly not different from the thousands of nice people that he saw every day on the street and who he would surely have believed shared these feelings with him -- were actually preparing bombs to kill him.

Nor could he have known that his days were numbered because the willingness to kill other people at random made him a natural target for termination. Not that there was any animosity between him and the killers. It was mere happenstance that he found himself in their path. It was even possible that they could have met before the attack and chatted or even traded smiles.

This is exactly what makes hurting people unbearably nihilistic, and what makes life dreadfully fickle. We must not and do not have the right to pretend that we are innocent in all of this. There are wars, prejudices and ideologies in many societies around the world that lead people to raise killing to the level of a sacred duty and absolve killers from guilty consciences.
But what does Martin have to do with any of that?

Some might say: why do you fixate on certain incidents, but not on others? Haven't the Americans also killed many innocent people, including children in Afghanistan and Iraq? Haven't the Israelis also killed many innocent people, including children in Palestine and Lebanon?

So what, exactly, does Martin have to do with any of that?
 
Merely asking such questions, and particularly at this time, can only transform Martin into a perfectly natural target for killing, or at least turn him into a legitimate target of violence.

Here's how we really should frame the relevant questions. What makes young men, in the prime of their lives, believe that killing others, including at a sports event, is some kind of sacred duty? And can they really identify with an imaginary "nation," one that transcends boundaries and ethnicities, no less? And what will it take to make people on all four corners of earth unite in putting an end to this barbaric pattern and bringing such young men to their senses?

There are countless possible answers to these questions. Among them is the crucial observation that ideas are what lead people to kill other people. And among the nice people that Martin saw that day on the street, surely none of them could have become a tool of killing and hurting others if certain ideas did not get ahold of their minds. And if there is a moral responsibility towards Martin, it must be in defeating those ideas, and standing between them and their intended goal, either by drying up their roots, or by inoculating people against them, or both.

This cannot be achieved through witch-hunt-style security measures. It must rather be accomplished by counter-ideas and values. Ideas can only be defeated by other ideas: tolerance and pluralism counter essentialism and exclusivism; enlightenment values counter medieval superstitions; real knowledge counters ignorance and indoctrination; and democracy counters fascism.

To label things accurately, we have to acknowledge that the ideas that got ahold of both these two brothers of Chechen origin in Boston and the suicidal men of the 9/11 attacks derive from the same transnational ideology and basic economic, social and educational sources.

They stem from the religious extremism that began to arise in the Arab and Islamic worlds during the mid to late 1970s, particularly during the Russian occupation of Afghanistan and afterwards. And they are especially driven by those who found sanctuary in Afghanistan, were nurtured by the wars of the Afghan warlords, and received financial support from some of those enriched by oil.

To label things accurately, those ideologies and their supporting bedrocks -- networks, banks, welfare associations and media outlets -- during the last four decades have moved from the periphery to the mainstream in various Arab countries, including some ruled by dictatorships and some which seem to belong to the Middle Ages.

The irony is that the most backward among these regimes have received the support and friendship of successive American administrations and the West in general. And they still do.

Maybe most Americans don’t know -- surely not those outside government and official institutions, at least -- that the television and radio networks that wield by far the most influence and impact in the Arab world are owned and financed by radical and religiously reactionary regimes. And, of course, there is the financial support such ideologues get from the banks, associations and investment groups also backed by these same radical and religiously reactionary regimes.

Maybe most Americans don’t know that the United States has military bases in, and maintains excellent political and economic relations with, allied Arab countries whose official and non-official media outlets have in the past, and still do, market to the whole world an ideological framework of religious fundamentalism and extremism.

These are the same regimes that are currently supporting counter-revolutionary forces in the Middle East, and providing them with the means to seize power in those Arab countries that have experienced popular revolutions against dictatorships—revolutions during which people carried placards that even eight-year-old Martin would have understood and agreed with.

So don’t believe Bernard Lewis, and all those who try to convince you that in this region of the world there are merely people who are essentially different than you, people who don’t share your values.
To put it simply, in the unfolding war of ideas and clash of values, Arabs need the help of the American people. If nothing else, they need Americans to remind their own government that economic interests, and even political ones, don't justify turning a blind eye to the emergence of an Arab world stuck between the rock of tyrannical regimes and the hard place of religious extremists.

These are some little gestures in the direction of moral responsibility, and only some of what could and should be said in mourning Martin Richard.