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Saturday, September 26, 2026

As Israeli bulldozers destroy more homes, uproot more trees, tear through orchards and fields, and alter a landscape that Palestinians have tended for generations, I find myself thinking about another kind of plow. A wooden one. And the hands of the man who held it. I think of my uncle—my aunt’s husband—Abu Ali, and of happier, simpler times....

Mike Hanini Odetalla's uncle Abu Ali and aunt on Palestine 

Abu Ali 
a true story by Mike Hanini Odetalla

As Israeli bulldozers destroy more homes, uproot more trees, tear through orchards and fields, and alter a landscape that Palestinians have tended for generations, I find myself thinking about another kind of plow.

A wooden one.

And the hands of the man who held it.

I think of my uncle—my aunt’s husband—Abu Ali, and of happier, simpler times.

Abu Ali could neither read nor write. Education was a luxury his family could not afford. He began working when he was very young after his father became chronically ill. As the oldest son, responsibility fell upon his shoulders early.

He married my aunt, my mother’s sister, while still a young man, and before long he was helping support not only his father’s family, but his own.

Abu Ali did many backbreaking and menial jobs, but his primary livelihood came from plowing the village orchards and fields. He was a haraath—a plowman.

Together with his ever-present and trusty mule, Abu Ali reached places that still boggle my mind when I think about them. Hillsides and terraces where I would have had trouble simply keeping my footing, he somehow managed to plow.

I remember him as a slim but incredibly strong man, dark from years beneath the Palestinian sun, his face turned leathery by its heat, yet almost always carrying a smile.

And his hands.

I remember those hands.

They were tougher than leather and coarse as sandpaper from holding a plow year after year. Part of his tremendous strength came simply from carrying that heavy plow everywhere he went.

When the spring rains finally subsided and the earth dried enough to be worked, Abu Ali's season began.

His day started at daybreak and didn't end until the sun disappeared behind the hills.

Every morning he carried a thermos of hot tea and a jug of water, used both for drinking and for making wudu before prayer. In a handkerchief he wrapped a tomato, an onion and some olives, along with a couple loaves of my aunt's hearth-baked bread.

That was his food for the day.

Dinner would be waiting when he finally returned home.

As a boy, seeing Abu Ali making his way toward the fields and orchards was strangely soothing and reassuring to me. His appearance meant something.

Spring had arrived.

Soon the entire village would begin coming back to life as people returned to their orchards.

I would climb the hills surrounding our village and look for him.

He wasn't difficult to find.

All I had to do was look for the long, straight lines of freshly turned earth cutting through the reddish-brown soil. Somewhere at the end of those lines would be Abu Ali and his mule, slowly working their way across another field.


Whenever it was time for him to plow my family's land, my mother would prepare lunch for him, and I would carry it out to the orchard.

My mother, may Allah have mercy on her soul, always fed anyone who worked on our land. To her, feeding someone who was hungry was among the simplest obligations one human being had toward another.

I loved those trips.


Abu Ali would stop working and sit beneath the shade of one of our olive trees. I would sit beside him while he ate, and he would enchant me with stories of years gone by—stories about our village, our people, our families and a world that existed long before I did.

To an eight-year-old boy, Abu Ali had the perfect life.

So perfect, in fact, that one day I informed my mother that I had made an important decision:

I was quitting school.

I had decided to become a haraath.

My mother was not nearly as impressed with my career plans as I was.

She scolded me and explained that plowing was brutally hard work and that, had Abu Ali been given the opportunity, he would have gone to school and gotten an education.

At eight years old, I wanted no part of what she was saying.

What did she know?

I knew something she apparently didn't: if I asked Abu Ali himself, surely he would be delighted to teach me.

So one day, as Abu Ali and I sat beneath a very ancient olive tree, I announced my decision.

I wanted to become a haraath.

Just like him.

To my delight, he seemed pleased.

He agreed to teach me.

I couldn't believe my good fortune.

My mother could say whatever she wanted. Abu Ali himself was going to teach me the trade.

And I was going to become the best haraath the world had ever known.

My apprenticeship began immediately.

First, Abu Ali taught me to feed the mule.

Easy enough.

Then he told me to clean the plow.

I managed that too, although I couldn't remember ever seeing him clean it.

After a while, he stood up and asked:

“Are you ready to learn the trade?”

“Of course!” I yelled.

Then came my first real lesson.

Abu Ali instructed me to find five small, pointed pebbles.

I didn't question my teacher.

I found five.

He told me to place the pebbles in my right hand and then grip the wooden handle of the plow with that same hand, keeping the stones pressed tightly between my palm and the handle.

That seemed a little strange.

But what did I know?

I was only an apprentice.

So off we went.

After only a few short passes, those pointed little stones were digging painfully into my palm.

I tried to keep going.

After all, I had a profession to learn.

But eventually the pain became more than I could bear.

I stopped and opened my hand.

My palm was red, raw—and bleeding slightly.

Suddenly, becoming the greatest haraath in Palestine didn't seem quite as appealing.

I looked at my uncle, bewildered.

Why, I asked him, did I have to hold rocks against the plow when I knew perfectly well that he didn't?

A wise smile appeared on Abu Ali's weathered face.

He gently explained that this was how a plowman toughened his hands so they could withstand the harsh conditions of the work.

Then he asked if I was ready to continue.

“Not really,” I said.

Apparently, I had reconsidered my career.

Abu Ali burst out laughing.

Then he told me to go home to my mother and tell her that Abu Ali had taught me everything I needed to know about plowing.

And so ended my career as a haraath.

It would be years before I understood what had really happened beneath that old olive tree.

My mother and Abu Ali had collaborated on the whole thing.

Neither lectured me.

Neither humiliated me.

Neither told the stubborn eight-year-old boy that he didn't know what he was talking about.

Instead, they allowed life itself to teach me.

Five little pebbles.

A wooden plow.

A mule.

And the rough, calloused hands of a man who understood something about hardship that I did not.

Abu Ali passed away about ten years ago.

With his passing, we lost much more than the man who plowed our land.

We lost one of the people who carried within him an entire way of life—a world of olive trees and stone terraces, freshly turned earth, bread wrapped in cloth, hot tea carried into the fields, stories told beneath ancient trees, and knowledge passed from one generation to another without ever being written in a book.

And perhaps that is why, whenever I see bulldozers tearing through Palestinian orchards, I don't simply see trees and dirt being destroyed.

I see people.

I see memory.

I see inheritance.

I see an eight-year-old boy sitting beneath an olive tree beside an old plowman with hands tougher than leather.

And I see Abu Ali smiling.

May Allah have mercy on his soul.

Mike Odetalla
March 2003
All Rights Reserved

 https://www.facebook.com/photo?fbid=10166740637701977&set=a.10150390714236977

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Gaza students return to makeshift schools after three years of genocide. Hundreds of thousands of children attend classes in tents as destroyed schools, overcrowding and shortages continue to disrupt education across the strip

Palestinian children walk to school amid the rubble of destroyed buildings as the academic year begins, in Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip, on 19 September 2026 (Bashar Taleb/AFP)
Nada Nabil

After three years of Israeli genocide deprived him of a formal education, 13-year-old Akram Helles is finally back in the classroom.

The Palestinian boy sits on a thin mattress alongside his seventh-grade classmates inside a white makeshift tent on their first day of the 2026 school year.

A large whiteboard stands at the front of the tent. Beside it is a single chair for their teacher at Gaza Municipality Preparatory School, set up in the Katiba area of the southern Rimal neighbourhood in western Gaza City.

The heat inside the tent is intense. The students sit on the bare ground. Yet Helles is excited to be back. 

“We still cannot believe that Akram has finally been able to join a real school after everything we have been through,” his father, 38-year-old Mohammad Helles, told Middle East Eye.

“During the war, Akram and his siblings were out of education for long periods. It was not easy for them to keep up with online learning or enrol in private schools,” he added.
 
According to the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (Unicef), around 700,000 students have missed out on formal education since the genocide began in 2023.

On Sunday, around 500,000 students returned to education across Gaza for the first time since then - 350,000 in public schools and 150,000 in schools run by Unrwa, the United Nations agency for Palestinian refugees.

But the schools they return to bear little resemblance to those they knew before the war.

Around 98 percent of schools in the Gaza Strip have been damaged by the Israeli army, including around 80 percent directly hit, according to Unicef. Many of the remaining buildings have been turned into shelters for displaced Palestinians, making regular schooling impossible.

Working with partners including Unicef and Unrwa, the Ministry of Education has set up a limited number of classrooms in shelters and plastic-sheet tents, many of which lack desks, chairs and basic services.

Tent classrooms lack desks, chairs and basic services across the Gaza Strip (Hani Abu Rezeq/MEE)

Even under these makeshift conditions, not every student has been able to enrol.

“We went through a lot before we were finally able to enrol Akram and his siblings at an educational point near the camp where we live,” Helles said.

“We tried to enrol our children somewhere close because we are afraid of sudden bombardments and want to be near them. They also cannot travel to distant areas because transport is unavailable or too expensive.”

For Helles, finding a suitable school was only one of the obstacles.

He has also struggled to provide his three children with basic supplies, including clothes, school bags and stationery.

“Prices in the markets are extremely high, and I lost my job because of the war. I now work helping my brother at a small street stall, so I cannot afford everything my children need, especially since there is no uniform and they need several sets of clothes,” Helles said.

“Unlike in the years before the war, I only bought the bare essentials.”

Thousands of students left out

These are not the only differences between education before the war and today.

Instead of attending school every day, students now follow a rotational system introduced by Gaza’s Ministry of Education. Boys attend on Saturdays, Mondays and Wednesdays, while girls attend on Sundays, Tuesdays and Thursdays. Each day is divided into three shifts to accommodate as many students as possible.

While the Helles family is relieved to have enrolled their three children in free public schools, hundreds of families are still unable to find places for their children in state-run education.

Osama Ayta, 43, has struggled to enrol his two children, Maria and Thaer, because there is no free school near their home.
 
“The problem is that I cannot send my children, who are eight and 11 years old, to schools far away,” Ayta told MEE.

In Gaza, children are learning the alphabet through grief and hunger
Read More »

“It’s dangerous; the roads are unsafe and social conditions are unstable. I am afraid something could happen to them away from our area.”  

Private schools are also out of reach. Ayta has no source of income and cannot afford their fees. 

Dozens of private schools have opened across the Gaza Strip since the January 2025 ceasefire, but high tuition fees mean only a limited number of families can afford to enrol their children.

“I managed to place them in a nearby free educational centre, but the conditions there are extremely poor, and there are no facilities. At the same time, I am still looking for a better option for them,” Ayta said.
 
Struggles of families like Ayta’s expose the scale of the education crisis facing Gaza as the strip enters its first formal school year since 2023.

Schools pushed beyond capacity

Wafa Maqat, 57, the principal of Gaza Municipality Preparatory School, said that demand for school places has been overwhelming, while the challenges of running classes remain immense.... READ MORE  https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/gaza-students-return-makeshift-schools-after-three-years-genocide

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Israel and the US have battered the international legal order. The impunity must stop

‘What can countries do? History points to some answers.’ Photograph: Charly Triballeau/AFP/Getty Images
A group of nations will gather on Friday to address the crisis. The only response to unilateral bullying is collective action 

Fri 25 Sep 2026 

Varsha Gandikota

The international legal order is in shambles. But from the ruins of impunity and lawbreaking, a group of nations is working to enforce accountability.

On Monday, the UN general assembly’s high-level meetings opened to news that Washington had drawn up sanctions against the international criminal court, targeting its bank accounts, software, insurers and staff.

On Tuesday, the US president stood at the podium and threatened Iran with annihilation. On Thursday at the same rostrum, the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, wanted by the ICC for war crimes, cast all those seeking accountability as “barbarians who threaten our common civilization”. Palestinian officials were absent, denied travel visas by the United States.

Netanyahu has never pretended to respect international law. When South Africa brought its Genocide Convention case against Israel’s actions in Gaza, Netanyahu declared: “Nobody will stop us – not The Hague.” This summer, he mused on American television that, should his plane ever be forced down in a country that honours the warrant, Israel’s special forces could be given “a new task”. The American president has promised he will not be arrested on US soil “in any way, shape, or form”. 

The message to the world is plain: crimes committed by the allies and acolytes of power will never be punished.

This impunity is not limited to Gaza. It’s playing out in the accelerating ethnic cleansing of the West Bank. It has travelled to Lebanon, where Israeli strikes have killed more than 4,000 people this year and displaced more than a million. In southern Syria, Israeli troops shell and raid villages in the countryside around Damascus. In Sudan, massacres are carried out with arms, technology and financing of the United Arab Emirates, an ally of the Israeli government.

Every commander with a patron has learnt the lesson of the past three years. Mass atrocity carries no price if your friends are strong enough.

States that resist encounter punishments in dizzying varieties – sanctions, tarriffs, threats and isolation. South Africa lost US aid after bringing its genocide case to The Hague. Colombia’s president had his visa revoked after speaking out on Gaza in the streets of New York.

This too will not remain confined to the global south. Instruments built for terrorists and drug cartels are now pointed at judges. More than a dozen ICC judges and prosecutors, including the court’s president, already live under US sanctions. A designation of the whole institution would reach every European bank, insurer and technology supplier serving a court that sits in the Netherlands.... READ MORE https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/sep/25/israel-us-un-icc-hague-netanyahu?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other

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Friday, September 25, 2026

Nearly 400 members of UNRWA 's workforce in Gaza have been killed, with hundreds of premises in the Occupied Palestinian Territory made “inaccessible, severely damaged, or utterly destroyed” - Antonio Guterres warned at the UN General Assembly

https://x.com/UNGeneva/status/2103465868336173408
United Nations Geneva

Nearly 400 members of @UNRWA's workforce in #Gaza have been killed, with hundreds of premises in the Occupied Palestinian Territory made “inaccessible, severely damaged, or utterly destroyed” - @antonioguterres  warned at the UN General Assembly

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UNRWA work and mandate in ‘jeopardy’, Guterres warns

Humanitarian Aid

The UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine refugees (UNRWA) continues to operate under “extraordinary pressure”, UN Secretary-General António Guterres said on Thursday. 

Speaking at the annual ministerial meeting on the agency's work during High-Level Week in New York, the UN chief maintained that nearly 400 members of UNRWA’s workforce in Gaza have been killed, with hundreds of premises in the Occupied Palestinian Territory made “inaccessible, severely damaged, or utterly destroyed”.

“These actions are wholly unacceptable and inconsistent with Israel’s obligations under international law, including the UN Charter,” he said. 

In a highly challenging environment, he said, UNRWA provides essential public services to Palestinians, however, its work and entire mandate from the General Assembly is now in “jeopardy”. 

Nearly two years ago, the Israeli Knesset passed legislation banning the UN agency from operating on Israeli territory – which included East Jerusalem – and cut off all cooperation between Israeli officials and UNRWA.

The Israeli Government seized and began demolition of UNRWA’s main compound in Jerusalem last January. The UN and multiple States maintain the punitive laws passed by parliament breach Israel’s obligations under the UN Charter and Security Council resolution 2730 on protection of humanitarian personnel. 

Campaign against the agency

According to the UN chief, the agency has been excluded from coordination meetings with Israeli authorities over humanitarian operations in Gaza and elsewhere, while staff visas are no longer being granted by Israel and personnel have been subject to intimidation. 

He added that UNRWA continues to face a severe financial crisis, “with a cash shortfall of $100 million”, putting operations at risk and threatening the welfare of millions of Palestinian refugees. 

Mr. Guterres called on Member States to take immediate action as UNRWA’s capacity to act was “seriously imperiled” and regional stability was at “stake”. 

© UNICEF A wounded woman and two children sit on a mattress amid rubble inside a damaged home in Burij, in the Gaza Strip.

‘Conditions remain intolerable’ 

He highlighted that continued Israeli attacks continue to kill an average of four people per day, “a quarter of them children”, while international law is being “brazenly violated”. 

“The resumption of assistance since the ceasefire was announced last October has brought some relief – but conditions remain intolerable,” Mr. Guterres said. 

He said settler attacks and efforts to expand settlements in the West Bank have pushed Palestinians to “breaking point” and posed a threat to the two-State solution. 

Amidst the volatility, he said, UNRWA remained a “critical stabilizing presence” and a lifeline for many Palestinian refugees. 

‘Levels unseen’ 

UNRWA’s Commissioner-General ad interim, Christian Saunders, said the agency’s more than 10,000 personnel in Gaza are still assisting 1.7 million people, including some 70,000 medical consultations a week. 

He said displacement in the West Bank was “at levels unseen since 1967”. 

Forty-one of the 50 recommendations of the independent neutrality review into UNRWA operations were fully implemented, the Commissioner-General said, and a “slimmer UNRWA” did not mean a change to its mandate.

The Commissioner-General said 94 per cent of people in Gaza lacked proper shelter and 98 per cent of households lived near environmental hazards such as raw sewage and rubble, with humanitarian partners warning of major gaps as winter approaches.

In occupied East Jerusalem, measures against UNRWA had culminated in the seizure of it headquarters, vocational training centre, schools and health facilities, he said, calling on Member States to advocate for the agency to be given “the space to operate” in the Occupied Palestinian Territory in line with its mandate.

 General Assembly President Khalilur Rahman said humanitarian access was “non-negotiable” and called on Member States to build on the New York Declaration to implement the two-State solution, through implementation of Security Council Resolution 2803. 

Victim of ‘political assassination’

Jordan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Ayman Safadi, whose country co-hosted the meeting with Spain and Brazil, said UNRWA was “still the target of political assassination” despite the reforms it has carried out, and warned against any change to its mandate or transfer of its responsibilities to host countries.

Mr. Safadi said host countries “are already doing enough” and that UNRWA would only cease to be needed once a sovereign Palestinian State emerged.

Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs José Manuel Albares Bueno said Spain had committed more than €85 million to UNRWA over the past three years and urged other donors to follow. 

Brazilian Minister of Foreign Affairs Mauro Vieira condemned the closure and destruction of UNRWA premises in East Jerusalem and said the source of the agency’s crisis “is political”. 

Mr. Vieira said Brazil had proposed a working group on disinformation during its presidency of UNRWA’s Advisory Committee, and condemned plans to build military structures on the site of the agency’s compound in Sheikh Jarrah. 

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