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Sunday, February 7, 2010

My letter to the Daily Star RE A Palestinian state must be secular By Hussein Ibish of ATFP

RE: A Palestinian state must be secular By Hussein Ibish
http://www.dailystar.com.lb/article.asp?edition_id=1&categ_id=5&article_id=111550

Dear Editor,

Excellent to see Hussein Ibish's
"A Palestinian state must be secular". I very much admire the American Task Force on Palestine as they steadfastly inspire interest in a real Palestine- a sovereign Palestine- a peaceful Palestine.... a reasonable Palestine where real Palestinians can live and work free of Israel.

Sincerely,
Anne Selden Annab
Growing Gardens for Palestine


Theatre in the shadow of the Palestinian Nakba: Playwright Amir Nizar Zuabi on how growing up in Galilee after the 1948 conflict inspiried his work

http://www.guardian.co.uk/stage/video/2010/feb/05/theatre-palestinian-nakba

Theatre in the shadow of the Palestinian Nakba

Brought up in Galilee among the ruined villages and displaced lives that were the legacy of the 1948 conflict, playwright Amir Nizar Zuabi explains how the ghosts of the past – not least the British – informed his latest theatre piece, I Am Yusuf and This Is My Brother

Peaceful Resistance... Building a Palestinian University under Occupation



Peaceful Resistance

Building a Palestinian University under Occupation By Dr. Gabi Baramki Foreword by Jimmy Carter Pluto Press, London and New York, 2010, Pp. 219.

Providing quality education for the next generation in a rapidly changing world is a challenge anyplace, but nowhere more so than in Palestine. Added to the usual academic demands are the problems of getting books past Israeli military censorship, holding classes despite the army surrounding the campus, getting students and staff past innumerable roadblocks so they can attend classes, retrieving them from prison, and completing the course of study despite arbitrary and prolonged closures.


These are just some of the challenges described by Gabi Baramki in his book, Peaceful Resistance, in which he combines memoir with a history of Birzeit University. The combination comes quite naturally because Baramki has been involved with this most outstanding of Palestinian universities in one capacity or another for most of his life. In the 1930s and 1940s, he was a student at Birzeit Higher School established by the Nasir family in their home as an elementary and secondary boarding school. After obtaining an MA from the American University of Beirut in 1953, Baramki got a job in Birzeit’s new Junior College programme. By then, Palestine had been divided with the formation of Israel, and the West Bank was under Jordanian administration. Birzeit College was able to flourish commensurate with the great efforts exerted by its staff, but after the 1967 occupation, developing it into a full-fledged, four-year university, like every single advance in its programme or facilities, had to be fought for. In one of Israel’s more hostile acts, University President Hanna Nasir was deported; as vice president, Baramki assumed responsibility for the administration of the University.

Despite many new restrictions, Birzeit University continued to advance. As Baramki writes, “By 1979 we had a flourishing campus, a growing network of supporters and great plans for academic expansion. In short, the future looked bright. We had no idea of the disasters that were just around the corner.�

With the 1967 occupation, Birzeit University’s educational mission became even more important. It was consciously seen as part of the national resistance to Israeli occupation and policies which aim to keep the Palestinians subjugated. Baramki’s narrative reveals the thinking and planning of the teachers and administrators who, along with a committed, enthusiastic student body, made Birzeit what it is - a high quality educational institution with deep community involvement and potentially an important role in state-building and social development should the Palestinians ever be given the chance to move in that direction.

Throughout his narrative, Baramki speaks in terms of “we,� denoting his sense of being part of an effort bigger than any one person. Even from exile, Hanna Nasir was actively involved in decision making whenever possible, and the BZU administration was always keen to coordinate with the Palestine Liberation Organisation. Some faculty members from Israeli universities joined solidarity groups with the University but Israeli university presidents and administrators never gave any support during the closure of the University by the Israeli military authorities. In contrast, strong ties were built abroad, especially with European universities.

Reading the book makes one aware of why Baramki titled it Peaceful Resistance rather than passive resistance, for the faculty and students of BZU have been anything but passive. At the same time, BZU’s administration has always stood for resolving conflicts without violence despite many Israeli attempts to paint the University as a security threat. Yet, as Baramki asserts, “The real threat that Birzeit poses is not military, terrorist, anti-Semitic or even anti-Israeli. The threat that Birzeit poses is that it is a shining example of what the Palestinians can do against incredible odds.�

Besides hard work, educational acumen and administrative skill, running Birzeit University has taken a lot of creativity. From the beginning of the occupation, the Israeli military government tried to gain total control over the University, and the administration had to tread a difficult tightrope - not antagonising the occupation unnecessarily yet not caving in to excessive demands and restrictions whereby the university would lose it independence.

Baramki writes in conviction that the pen is mightier than the sword. Like the memoirs of Edward Said, Hanan Ashrawi, Ghada Karmi, Serene Husseini Shadid and others, Baramki’s narrative makes it clear that the Palestinians occupy the moral high ground in the conflict. If only world politics were based on moral grounds.

Professor Gabi Baramki, who obtained a PhD in Chemistry from McGill University in 1959, is a major figure in the Palestinian resistance movement, who has devoted his life to education at Birzeit, including 19 years as acting President of the University. He co-founded the PEACE (Palestinian European Academic Cooperation in Education) Programme, and he was awarded the medal Palme Académique by the French Ministry of Education.

Based on a review by Sally Bland that appeared in the Jordan Times on 7 December 2009.

AMAZON.COM: Peaceful Resistance: Building a Palestinian University under Occupation
A Palestinian man drinks coffee next to his house in the West Bank village of Hizmeh, near Ramallah, Sunday, Feb. 7, 2010. (AP Photo/ Tara Todras-Whitehill)

Palestinian children walk up a street before sunset in the West Bank village of Hizmeh, near Ramallah, Sunday, Feb. 7, 2010. (AP Photo/ Tara Todras-Whitehill)

The port of Gaza is seen during sunrise, Sunday, Feb. 7, 2010. Fishing is a crucial livelihood for many Palestinians living in the impoverished and volatile coastal territory. (AP Photo/ Hatem Moussa)

My letter to the New York Times RE Israel/Palestine reporting: The Public Editor Too Close to Home & Bill Keller Takes Exception


RE: Israel/Palestine reporting: The Public Editor Too Close to Home http://www.nytimes.com/2010/02/07/opinion/07pubed.html?ref=opinion
& Bill Keller Takes Exception to “Too Close to Home” http://publiceditor.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/02/06/bill-keller-takes-exception-to-too-close-to-home/

Dear Editors,

Good to see that you have seriously thought about who gets to report on the Israel/Palestine conflict, carefully examining potential biases and influences which might seriously undermine a reporter's ability to tell the whole story.
However I am very concerned that the approach your analysis has taken frames the conflict to be Israel VS radical anti-Israel, rather than a more productive approach of Israel and Palestine figuring out how to live side by side in peace as separate sovereign states both fully respecting international law and basic human rights.

Perhaps the Electronic Intifada has good intentions, it certainly has much more extensive coverage of Palestinian suffering than can be found in the NYTimes- and it has many Jewish fans, but it does not speak for Palestine, nor does it promote a separate sovereign Palestinian state.... nor does it firmly condemn and reject religious extremism and terrorism.

In looking around for reliable pro-Palestine sources and perspectives to help supplement and balance Bronner's coverage please take the time to explore the intriguing web site of The American Task Force on Palestine. You might also consider publishing more columns by more actual Palestinians such as Daoud Kuttab, Palestinian journalist and a former Ferris professor of journalism at Princeton University. Miftah (
the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy) is also a good source of excellent Palestinian writers and thinkers. One of my favorites there is Joharah Baker.

Sincerely,
Anne Selden Annab

Growing Gardens for Palestine

Saturday, February 6, 2010

Doesn’t Salam Fayyad deserve more national protection?

Hamada Faraneh
Al-Ayyam (Opinion)
February 3, 2010 - 12:00am


ATFP original translation

In the 2/1/2010 issue of Yediot Ahronot, Alex Fishman, known for his close ties to the Israel national security apparatus and often represents their point of view, articulated an emerging Israeli opinion. In an article entitled “Salam Fayyad: The quince turns into a bitter lemon,” Fishman writes:
“Through the years the security apparatus in Israel has dealt with Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad as though he is a delicate quince. He is an educated, moderate man and, like a quince, not particularly charismatic but suddenly he has become a lemon, bitter as a curse. What a disappointment and a slap in the face for the Israelis. This man has been gaining in stature. He operates independently of our Israeli plans since he is both willful and powerful. Together with Abu Mazen, they have succeeded in eliminating chaos and providing personal security for the Palestinian people by putting an end to the threats of lawless, masked men. For these reasons, Europe and The United States have been giving money to the Palestinian Authority as he provides them with a sense of transparency, cleanliness and accountability. He has started building governing institutions. In cooperation with Abu Mazen, he has damaged Hamas’ propaganda machine in the West Bank and some of its military network. He has started to develop the economy. He also has started to annoy us globally. He is actually going ahead with his plans despite us. He wants to build more cities in the West Bank and is asking us to give the Palestinian Authority more of areas B and C. He is also asking for land in the Jordan Valley to establish villages and farms for the Palestinians. And he has more such plans up his sleeve. And the world seems to get it. All sorts of countries are asking Israel to give the Palestinians more goodwill gestures and more concessions. And all this is happening outside the framework of the peace negotiations. This ability of his to convince the world is driving us crazy.”

Fishman concludes his article, “In Israel, the fear is that at this rate Fayyad will be able to extract from the United Nations a resolution to establish a State of Palestine along the 1967 borders with its capital in Jerusalem without any negotiations with Israel.”

This is Salam Fayyad: independent and nationalistic, capable of imposing his presence and accomplishments. There are several reasons for this.

First is the confidence and trust that President Mahmoud Abbas has in him. Without this confidence, Abu Mazen would not have chosen him over other independents and party members to form the government. When Hamas launched a successful coup in Gaza, it seemed like the PA could not hold its own against the Hamas militias. Abu Mazen’s choice has proven wise and correct. Thanks to Salam Fayyad’s management and governing program all the fears about Hamas coming to power in the West Bank as they did in Gaza have been put to rest.

Second, Fayyad has been able to put together a coalition government composed of most of the active political forces in the West Bank. This provided for a stable government as it is the government of the Palestine Liberation Organization and is its instrument and executive branch on the ground. This government is composed of Fatah at the level of the Central Committee and the Revolutionary Council. It also has a wide representation of the progressive forces, the Democratic Front, Fida, the Nidhal Front, a robust representation from the Palestinian people and many qualified independents. The representation of all those political forces in Fayyad’s government is very important and cannot be underestimated for it is the legitimizing principle for this government. That, together with the trust of the President, make up for the absence of parliamentary legitimacy, which is lacking due to the unilateral coup by Hams and the inability to convene the Legislative Council due to obstruction by both Israel and Hamas.

Third, the international community has great respect for the Prime Minister and for the performance of his government. The clarity, transparency and the absence of cronyism and corruption in the government have solidified the trust that they have in him. They are always willing to consider his requests and to find ways to implement them.

Fourth, consider the achievements of the Prime Minister on the ground. He managed to end the financial boycott that was imposed on the PA and to cover its needs without liquidating any of its national assets or abandoning the rights of its people. Fayyad’s three main achievements have been solving financial problems by generating needed jobs and services, providing for the security of the citizens by putting an end to lawlessness, and developing the economic infrastructure. These accomplishments have realized their guiding principle, which is respect for the citizens and their persons, choices and needs, while keeping intact their political and national rights and their aspirations for freedom. This is a tough proposition under occupation. In other words Fayyad has made practical and national strides without making a single mistake that either Fatah or Hamas could hold against him.

Therefore, the government of Salam Fayyad has earned the respect of its people and the trust of its political forces. It has also caused Israel to worry without being able to condemn his efforts. It is pushing the Palestinian position forward under the correct policies of President Abbas. Over time, this approach is guaranteed to catch up with Israel.

Palestine Alongside Israel: Liberty, Security, Prosperity

My letter to the Independent RE The presence of the Palestinian in the Israeli painter's eye & In the West Bank's stony hills, Palestine is slowly ...

Maurycy Minkowski's Refugees

RE: Robert Fisk’s World: The presence of the Palestinian in the Israeli painter's eye : Many of the Tel Aviv paintings show an emergent Israel with fewer Arabs http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/fisk/robert-fiskrsquos-world-the-presence-of-the-palestinian-in-the-israeli-painters-eye-1890927.html & In the West Bank's stony hills, Palestine is slowly dying: In the richest of the Occupied lands, Israeli bureaucracy is driving Palestinians out of their homes. Robert Fisk reports from Jiftlik http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/in-the-west-banks-stony-hills-palestine-is-slowly-dying-1883669.html

Dear Sir,

Last week it was
In the West Bank's stony hills, Palestine is slowly dying : In the richest of the Occupied lands, Israeli bureaucracy is driving Palestinians out of their homes. Robert Fisk reports from Jiftlik

This week it is Robert Fisk’s World: The presence of the Palestinian in the Israeli painter's eye: Many of the Tel Aviv paintings show an emergent Israel with fewer Arabs

Two articles a week apart giving a mere glimpse of how, for one hundred years, Palestinians have been consistently pushed aside and impoverished as Zionist immigrants and now sovereign Israel itself gains more and more power and land.
Bigotry and guns started the problem and perpetuate the problem: Modern militancy and religious extremism are a dangerous mix which only makes the situation worse.

Nothing is inevitable but one thing is for sure- the longer the Israel/Palestine conflict is allowed to continue the less real Palestinians will have to call home... and the harder it will be for everyone to adjust to a just and lasting peace.

The Arab Peace Initiative with its firm focus on the sacred trinity of (1) ending Israel's illegal occupation (2) finding "a just solution to the Palestinian refugee problem to be agreed upon in accordance with U.N. General Assembly Resolution 194"
, and (3) "the acceptance of the establishment of a sovereign independent Palestinian state on the Palestinian territories occupied since June 4, 1967 in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, with East Jerusalem as its capital", is the last best chance to begin the process of redeeming both Israel and Palestine.

Furthermore Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad has a plan- a very good plan: The Palestinian State and Institution Building Program.

Sincerely,
Anne Selden Annab

Made in Palestine : Emily Jacir's Memorial to 418 Palestinian Villages Which Were Destroyed, Depopulated and Occupied by Israel in 1948

Friday, February 5, 2010

MIFTAH interviews media expert and women's activist Amal Juma' on MIFTAH's role in broadening her career and professional horizons.

Date posted: February 04, 2010
By MIFTAH

MIFTAH interviews media expert and women's activist Amal Juma' on MIFTAH's role in broadening her career and professional horizons.

First of all, could you tell us a bit about yourself and your work? What brought you to MIFTAH?

My name is Amal Juma' from Jenin and I am the audio and visual media coordinator for the Women's Affairs Team. I first got involved with MIFTAH when I participated with the organization as an intern in one of its projects on training women on how to run election campaigns. My relationship with the organization can be traced back to MIFTAH's beginnings when it used to give training on how to develop the work of local radio and television stations. This is of course, over and above my personal relationships with colleagues at MIFTAH. I started then to work in screening and distributing documentary films after the film festival carried out by MIFTAH in conjunction with Al Najah University in Nablus. This was all part of their ongoing project, Gender Peace and Security funded by UNFPA. At the time, MIFTAH asked me to train a group of broadcasting students from Al Najah and who participated in the 2008 Documentary Film Festival. MIFTAH contracted me to show the films that were part of the festival to interested organizations and parties. The idea to work with the students was in order to raise their awareness of gender-related issues when choosing and producing films. I gave them a three-day training course in conjunction with director Juliano Khamees, who worked with them on technical issues. The difference among the students was noticeable, even if only slightly, in that it was reflected in the choice of topics the students picked for their films. There were three films about women's issues.

Why did MIFTAH approach you?

I think MIFTAH approached me because of my experience in women's issues, which has spanned over the past 15 years. I currently work with the audio-visual department in the Women's Affairs Team. This is in addition to my presenting the radio program "Against the Silence" on the Voice of Palestine, prepared and produced by the Women's Affairs Team and which addresses women's issues in depth. My work in women's affairs has helped me a lot to work with marginalized and oppressed sectors; I am also a member of the media forum for women. I also participated in a course on monitoring the image of women in the press as part of MIFTAH's Gender, Women and Security Project, which has allowed me to maintain continuous contact with the organization.

Could you tell us a little bit about your work, especially in regards to screening the documentary films?

As part of the Gender, Women and Security Project, MIFTAH contracted me to show the films produced at the 2008 documentary film festival in various institutions and organizations. Keep in mind that the films shown at the 2007 and 2008 festivals were not shown except during the festival itself even though they were quality films that took a lot of effort from the students to produce.

As for the films from the 2009 festival, we began on June 15, 2009 with a series of screenings. They were distributed throughout various areas and women's and educational institutions and universities. We also had private screenings of the films. In all, there were about 20 screenings among the different sectors and at various venues.

What types of films were shown?

Our first screening was of a film entitled "Khirbet Um Touba" about the hardships faced by children on their way to school in between Jewish settlements in the Hebron area. It was very emotional, especially since it was shown to a group of children. The second film was entitled "Blood Relations", which is about a child from the Jenin refugee camp who suffers from Thalassemia. This was also shown to an audience of 24 children. For 12 of these children, this was the first time they had ever heard of the disease. The others had an idea about the disease's link to marriage but had no details.

Later, we showed the film "Black and White" which addresses the issue of obliterating illiteracy. The film talks about an elderly woman who is insistent on learning to read and write. We then showed "A Print of Hope" which revolves around a child with cancer. "Iman" is primarily a women's film because it deals with the suffering of the wife of a martyr who struggles to get her inheritance rights. This film offered an opportunity to speak about women's legal rights, especially since it is still not high on the agenda of women's issues. The Women's Affairs Team adopted this film and showed it during its own workshops. We also screened the film "Zawaya (corners)" which is about a group of Sufis, an Islamic sect in Nablus.

How would you assess the interaction of the audience with the films?

I think the films touched on very important aspects of various sectors of the public. Most of the films stirred up discussions after they were done. Given this, I believe it is very important to raise an issue that affects so many sectors of society, especially the women and youth sectors who are often excluded from most community activities. This is what makes these films so special – they reached out to various sectors in society - youth, children, the elderly and women.

Did you feel that your participation in MIFTAH's workshops have helped you to develop your other skills.

No doubt. I think that any positive experience a person is subjected to, no matter how simple, leaves an impact on them and adds to their overall experience. For example, I learned to ask people how they feel after the screening of a film rather than only what they learned. Even during the film's screening, I watch the facial expressions of the people to detect their reactions. Now, I am also working hard to network with the interested organizations to show these films, which will benefit their own work and the sectors which they target.

Has working with MIFTAH opened up new opportunities for you in your professional life?

Yes, of course. While I was showing the films, I was contacted by many directors and producers asking me to show their films. I became a reference point for a large group of the best documentary films around. Of course, this opened doors for me in this field. Once, I was approached by a woman who asked me if I had a film about early marriage. She assumed I had my own office for these documentary films. This gave me the idea to start an office of this sort, which would include films produced by various organizations because there is a desperate need to benefit from and show these films to the public.

How would you assess MIFTAH's place among other civil society institutions in Palestine?

I believe that the more the projects involve average people, the more the institution's name becomes known in society and among a wider platform of sectors. This is what happened in my experience of screening the documentary films through MIFTAH because the films involved a number of different sectors of society: youth, children, the elderly and women.

Do you have anything else to add?

I hope there will be more productions of documentary films, which address women and gender issues. I would also suggest an expansion of the film festival, so it would include the various universities in the West Bank and not just Al Najah University. This way the festival could be held at a different university each year. Finally, I would like to thank MIFTAH for its important ongoing work in this field and in others.

OPT: Gaza schoolchildren struggling to learn

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=88005


humanitarian news and analysis
a project of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
OPT: Gaza schoolchildren struggling to learn

Photo: Suhair Karam/IRIN
Mohammed al-Khouli, 9, in a technology class at al-Mu'tasem Elementary School in Gaza City
GAZA, 5 February 2010 (IRIN) - Nearly half a million children in Gaza returned to overcrowded and dilapidated schools on 1 February, many attending in a shift system, with missing textbooks, stationery or uniforms.

“I don’t have a school uniform because my Dad doesn’t have a job and said he doesn’t have enough money to buy me one,” said Mohammed al-Khouli, a nine-year-old at the government-run al-Mu'tasem primary school in Gaza City. “I have to borrow pens and pencils from other kids in my class because I don’t have any.”

Israel’s 23-day military offensive on Gaza which ended on 18 January 2009 had “devastating consequences for the education system”, according to a report by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

Some 440,000 students attend 640 schools in Gaza; 383 are government schools, 221 are run by the UN agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA) and 36 are private schools, according to the ministry of education and UNRWA.

The OCHA report said at least 280 schools were damaged in the conflict, including 18 that were completely destroyed.


Photo: Suhair Karam/IRIN
Nuha Abed Rabbo, 9, on her way to an UNRWA elementary school in Jabalia town, eastern Gaza
No rebuilding

The education ministry said none have been rebuilt or repaired because of the Israeli ban on the entry into Gaza of construction materials, which Israel says could be used for military purposes.

The ministry reckons it needs some 25,000 tons of iron bars and 40,000 tons of cement to build 105 new schools to cater for the annual rise in the number of schoolchildren.

“The war had and continues to have a severely negative impact on the entire education system,” Yousef Ibrahim, deputy education minister in Gaza, told IRIN, adding that about 15,000 children from damaged schools had been transferred to other schools for second shifts, thus “significantly shortening class time”.

Ibrahim said many damaged schools in use lacked functioning toilets, water and electricity; classrooms were overcrowded and there were shortages of basic items such as desks, doors, chairs and ink. He said half all students in government schools lacked at least one textbook for coursework this term.

UNRWA began distributing textbooks to all its students on 4 February, according to Khalil al-Halabi, UNRWA’s education chief in Gaza. But he said rising unemployment and poverty were leading to more hungry students in classrooms.

According to the education ministry, 164 students and 12 teachers in its schools were killed in the conflict. UNRWA said 86 children and three teachers were killed in its schools.

“Schoolchildren, thousands of whom lost family members and/or their homes, are still suffering from trauma and anxiety and are in need of psycho-social support and recreational play activities,” said the OCHA report.

Khalid Salim 43, a science teacher at Abu Ja’far al-Mansour preparatory school in north Gaza said it was a struggle to teach children.

“Most of them don’t understand the lessons; they don’t concentrate at all... They forget everything explained in the class. When I give them exams, 80 percent fail. Before the war, just 3 percent failed,” he said. “When they hear Israeli jet planes, the children scream and cry loudly out of fear.”

sk/ed/cb

Bomb Detonated near ICRC Convoy in Northern Gaza Strip- This latest attack is part of the state of security chaos and proliferation of weapons

In this picture taken Thursday, Jan. 14, 2010, Sheikh Hussam al-Gazar, deputy director of the Salafi charity, looks at his Islamic books in his office, in the Rafah refugee camp, southern Gaza Strip. They look like Afghan warriors, preach global jihad and are too radical even for Hamas. They're becoming an increasing headache for the Palestinian Islamic militant group ruling Gaza. Jihadi Salafis, followers of a violent strain of ultra-conservative Islam, have organized into small, shadowy armed groups that have clashed with Hamas forces and fired rockets at Israel in defiance of Hamas' informal truce. Perhaps even more worrisome for Hamas, Salafis also claim a growing appeal among Gazans in the territory's pressure cooker of isolation and poverty, raising fears they could serve as a bridgehead for their ideological twin, al-Qaida. (AP Photo/ Eyad Baba)

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/db900SID/MGAE-82DE5L?OpenDocument&rc=3&emid=ACOS-635PFR

Bomb Detonated near ICRC Convoy in Northern Gaza Strip


Today afternoon, unknown persons detonated a bomb near a convoy of vehicles belonging to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) near Beit Hanoun town in the northern Gaza Strip. A vehicle was damaged, but no casualties were reported. This latest attack is part of the state of security chaos and proliferation of weapons plaguing the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

According to investigations conducted by the Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR), at approximately 14:15 on Thursday, 04 February 2010, a bomb planted by unknown persons exploded near a convoy of 4 vehicles belonging to the ICRC while traveling on Saladin Road opposite to al-Shawa fuel station near Beit Hanoun town in the northern Gaza Strip. The explosion of the bomb, which had been planted two meters to the east of the road, resulted in smashing the front and side windows and damaging the front of the last vehicle in the convoy, which holds a plate number (900441-13759). No casulaties were reported. Mr. Eyad Nasser, Spokesman of the ICRC in Gaza, stated that the vhicles were transporting 8 international staff members of the ICRC towards Beit Hanoun (Erez) crossing.

The Palestinian police arrived at the area immediately and opened an investigation into the attack. An officer in the expolsives engineering unit in the Palestinian police, Midhat Ebrash, stated that the bomb was planted two meters away from the tract on which the convoy was traveling, and that shrapnel from the bomb spread over the area. He added that his unit was still checking the shrapnel to identify the kind of the bomb.

PCHR strongly condemns this attack on the ICRC's convoy by unknown persons, and calls upon the Attorney-General's office to genuinely investigate it and bring the perpetrators to justice.

Public Document

**************************************

For more information please call PCHR office in Gaza, Gaza Strip, on +972 8 2824776 - 2825893

PCHR, 29 Omer El Mukhtar St., El Remal, PO Box 1328 Gaza, Gaza Strip. E-mail: pchr@pchrgaza.org, Webpage http://www.pchrgaza.org

In Herzliya, I Founded Palestine by Ben Caspit

Foreign and Israeli left-wing activists participate in a demonstration in the east Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah, Friday, Feb. 5, 2010. The protest was organized by groups supporting Palestinians evicted from their homes in east Jerusalem by Israeli authorities. (AP Photo/Bernat Armangue)

The following is an excerpt of a translation of an article by Ma'ariv's veteran reporter and editor Ben Caspit about Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad's speech at the Herzliya conference in Israel.

In Herzliya, I Founded Palestine

Ben Caspit
Ma'ariv (Opinion)
February 2, 2010 - 12:00am

[The title refers to a journal entry by Theodor Herzl in 1897, "In Basel I founded the Jewish state"] Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad came to Herzliya on Tuesday. Thinking that he would be participating in a panel discussion, he did not prepare a speech. Suddenly he found himself making the Palestinian "Herzliya speech." Fayyad did not become confused. He is no sucker. In fluent if nearly unintelligible English (Fayyad has a heavy accent), he laid out his doctrine: a Palestinian state within two years. On all the territory. Including East Jerusalem. That is all. In Herzliya, several meters from where the large statue of the visionary of the Jewish state overlooks the coastal highway, Fayyad founded Palestine.

Several years ago, when he appeared in the skies of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, no one took him seriously. But Fayyad, a gray, stubborn man, worked seriously, against all the chances and all the gangs, and succeeded. Today, he is seen as the most significant threat against the continuation of the current situation. His plan was presented and gathered momentum, the Americans see him as a kind of messiah, the Europeans pin their hope on him, and most important: the situation on the ground has changed dramatically. In two years, he hopes, the reforms will be completed and he will declare a state on the 1967 borders.

Because there is consensus throughout the world on the two-state solution, and also regarding the Green Line, Israel is liable to find itself facing a Security Council decision that adopts the Palestinian declaration, and without an American veto. What will we do then?

Between Two Leaders

The next day, the Israeli prime minister came to Herzliya. His speech was also good. After all, he knows how to give speeches (that very morning, in the Knesset, he gave a wonderful speech to Berlusconi). Bibi talked about education and about vision, and almost did not mention diplomatic trifles, except for the news that there may be, perhaps, a chance that within a month, or two, or maybe three, it may be possible, under certain conditions, to resume negotiations. And it may be that this actually refers to indirect negotiations with American mediation. Applause. Indeed, an historical accomplishment.

The main difference between Fayyad and Netanyahu, except for the fact that one has a state and the other still does not, is that Fayyad knows exactly what he wants. We see from the way Netanyahu handles things that he does not. All Bibi wants is to keep on surviving. To get to the weekend in peace, without some new scandal. He sells Shimon Peres one vision while marketing another to Benny, Bugi and Ruby. With the Americans he is here, and with the settlers he is there. He uproots with one hand and plants with the other. There is no goal, no management, no courage to do one thing or the other.

By definition, Netanyahu is the leader of the right wing. This definition holds until election day. The next morning, he is already a centrist. He glances leftward, feels his way, but is afraid. The feeling is that all that he wants is for nothing to happen. That he be left in peace. The thing is that quiet is detestable [a phrase from the anthem composed by Revisionist Zionist Vladimir Jabotinsky]. Anyone who thinks that the vacuum will remain empty is mistaken. Salam Fayyad is the one who is proving that now. He came bravely to Herzliya despite the ridiculous internal criticism of the Palestinians who screamed that the conference was for the sake of Israel's strength and security. Fayyad knows that this is an open academic symposium, and during it he made, in English, the same statements that he makes in Arabic in Ramallah and in Nablus. He speaks in only one language, Fayyad. With everyone, in every place. The exact opposite of Netanyahu.

The Coalition Is the Main Thing

Near the courageous one (Fayyad) and the fearful one (Netanyahu) stands another player-namely, the commentator. He serves as the defense minister of the State of Israel. He gives a speech here, speaks there, cautions and warns. Not to divide the land, Barak warns, is an existential threat. Not reaching a peace agreement with Syria, he warns, means all-out war. And afterwards, we will return to the negotiating table and talk about the same things, the same conditions, exactly.

The question is asked: for what purpose is Barak there? In any case, he is incapable of producing anything regarding the Palestinian question or even regarding the Syrian question, which is so critical. Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem said two days ago that the next war will reach all the cities of Israel. He is right. No more dull sounds of explosions from the edge of the Golan Heights. All of Israel will be barraged with heavy and precise rockets. After Muallem, President Assad spoke in his own voice, called Israel the bully of the region and warned of war. History teaches us that every time the leaders of the Arab countries have warned us of war, it broke out. Every time there was a stalemate, an explosion followed. So why wait for the explosion? The Netanyahu government is doing nothing, marking time.

Incidentally, this is in the best case. There is always good old Avigdor Lieberman, who will breathe life into the hissing embers and light a big fire, as he did yesterday with the follow-up about Assad: "If war breaks out, your family will fall from power," Lieberman warned loudly. Wow. What a man. And if Assad's family falls from power, Mr. Yvet, what will happen? Could it be that Syria will also become (after Iraq) an extremist Islamic state? Could it be that the Iranians will take it over? Might the Shiites penetrate even more deeply? Might it be that we will miss Assad, like we miss many things today that we invested infinite energy to get rid of?

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Dear Arab Voices...

RE: Damuni, Shabib, Altahhan & Al Ameri on Arab Voices Wed, Feb 3
http://www.arabvoices.net/

Dear Arab Voices,

Thank you for covering the Palestinian refugee issue in your Feb 3 2010 program.... but I found it troubling that in your promos leading up to it you lauded Ali Abunimah and his Electronic Intifada efforts to stop support for a separate and real Palestinian state.

I very much support the Palestinian refugees right to return to original homes and lands.

But I also think Palestinian refugees must be free not to be Israeli- which is what a one state outcome would be.

The right of return is firmly based in a two state formula. Currently there is a huge international push for peace and Palestine: The Arab Peace Initiatives needs to be supported- and so does the idea of a separate sovereign viable Palestine and an end to the Israel/Palestine conflict.

I think it is important to notice that UN 194 follows the call for partition ..."Resolutions 181 and 194, which called for the partition of Palestine in 1947 and then addressed the Palestinian refugees’ rights in 1948." ( Peace urgently needs the radically new By Rami G. Khouri
http://www.dailystar.com.lb/article.asp?edition_id=10&categ_id=5&article_id=106150
)

Struggling with the struggle I have come to realize that the phrase pro-Israel really should apply to all who endorse a one state solution... and the phrase pro-Palestine can only apply to those who support a separate sovereign Palestinian state living in peace alongside Israel.

As a pubic service I think you should take care to balance promos for one-state efforts with mention of real pro-Palestine efforts and initiatives.


I know that many activists like to diss ATFP- but I think ATFP (The American Task Force on Palestine) needs to be taken seriously for they understand the crucial importance of supporting and respecting both America and Palestine... and they understand the political process necessary to help make Palestine a real place for real people rather than just a rally cry for dissidents and religious extremists and cynics who are invested in being proven right.

Palestine- a real Palestine- needs all our best efforts and positive support... and so do the Palestinian refugees. Kudos to all the many organizations and individuals and governments (including the USA) who have stepped up to help.

Sincerely,
Anne Selden Annab