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Wednesday, February 17, 2010

This Week in Palestine Artist of the Month: Larissa Sansour

http://www.thisweekinpalestine.com/details.php?id=3006&ed=178&edid=178
Artist of the Month





Larissa Sansour

Born in Jerusalem, Larissa Sansour studied fine art in Copenhagen, London, and New York, and earned an MA from New York University. Her work is interdisciplinary, immersed in the current political dialogue, and utilises video art, photography, experimental documentary, the book form, and the Internet.

Sansour borrows heavily from the language of film and pop culture. By approximating the nature, reality, and complexity of life in Palestine and the Middle East in general to visual forms normally associated with entertainment and televised pastime, her grandiose and often humorous schemes clash with the gravity expected from works that comment on the region. References and details ranging from sci-fi and spaghetti westerns to horror films converge with Middle East politics and social issues to create intricate parallel universes in which a new value system can be decoded.

Sansour’s work has been exhibited worldwide in international biennials, galleries, museums, film festivals, and on the Internet and is featured in many art publications. Her most notable shows include those at the Tate Modern in London and the ARKEN Museum of Modern Art in Denmark.

In 2008, her work was featured in the Third Guangzhou Triennial in China, the Busan Biennale in South Korea, and PhotoCairo4 in Egypt. Her most recent film, A Space Exodus, was nominated for the short-film category at the Dubai International Film Festival.

The list of shows for 2009 included the 11th International Istanbul Biennial, Art Dubai, and the IMA in Paris. She also launched her graphic book, The Novel of Nonel and Vovel, a joint project with artist Oreet Ashery. The book appeared first at the Venice Biennale bookshops in August and was launched at the Tate Modern in the United Kingdom. It will launch at the Brooklyn Museum, USA, and Nikolaj Kunsthal in Denmark in January 2010. Sansour will have her first solo shows in New York and Paris in early 2010. Sansour’s work is represented by Galerie La B.A.N.K. in Paris, France. She lives and works in London, UK. A Space Exodus Larissa Sansour’s work is immediately engaging yet always ambiguous. She often places herself at the centre of her work, yet the result is neither autobiographical nor is it political commentary. She creates scenarios where the Palestinian is no longer the victim but, instead, enjoys the same power as anyone else in our media-driven, entertainment-led world. Works like Bethlehem Bandolero, where Sansour enters town like the lone gunslinger of spaghetti westerns, or Happy Days, which shows the military occupation as a series of cosy vignettes, turn the world upside down. The people who are usually the subject of news reports and diplomatic initiatives instead become the commentators. No longer the underdogs, they stand at the same level as the rest of the world’s media and power-players. The double-irony, as Sansour is all too aware, is that something is lost in the translation to a more fluent, funny, and glossy medium. Her work succeeds because it foregrounds an unspoken absence. Smiling through its pain, one might say.

A Space Exodus continues this line by re-imagining one of America’s finest moments - the moon landing - as a Palestinian triumph. Everything is the same, albeit a little more beautiful, from the touches of embroidery to the curl of her boots. Even the sadness that pervades the film is not necessarily Palestinian. Of course, the work reflects the fact that Palestinians are in limbo without a state, as their homeland shrinks like a spot on the horizon. Yet the sadness of A Space Exodus is also implicit in the contemporary reactions to the US space programme, from Kubrick’s 2001: A Space Odyssey to Tarkovsky’s Solaris and even David Bowie’s “Space Oddity.” The moon landings reflected a widespread anxiety that, in leaving earth, we risked never being able to return home again. Yet because this anxiety is universal, the pain of the real, forced exodus of the Palestinians is doomed to remain a private grief, forgotten by the rest of the world.

A Space Exodus has been shown in many museums and film festivals worldwide, including recently (January 2010) in Sansour’s first New York solo show. It was also shown in a group show in Jerusalem (The Other Shadow of the City), which led Sansour to create a new work specifically to accompany A Space Exodus. The Nakba photographs provide the missing piece, the moment of real pain that underpins the other work. Palestinians can follow their dreams to the edges of the universe, but the flags they plant and the territories they claim will feel like defeats if there is no response from Jerusalem. It is of special significance that these twin pieces resonate together, in the heart of Jerusalem where they belong.

Tuesday, February 16, 2010

Build a partnership for Middle East peace within the United States By Ziad Asali


Build a partnership for Middle East peace within the United States
By Ziad Asali
Commentary by
Wednesday, February 17, 2010

With the turbulence surrounding diplomacy and the Middle East peace process, it is more urgent than ever for civil society to unite around the obvious reality that a conflict-ending solution can only be attained through the creation of a Palestinian state living side by side with Israel in peace and security.

The two-state solution became official US policy under President George W. Bush, and it is today seen as a national security priority under President Barack Obama. It has been adopted internationally by the United Nations, the Middle East Quartet, the Palestinian Liberation Organization, the Arab League and by successive Israeli governments.

It has also now come to define all mainstream American thinking about this issue, including the positions of the majority of both Arab- and Jewish-American organizations.

In the region, this policy is only opposed by radicals, such as the Iranian government, Hamas and Hizbullah, and by ideological extremists on the Israeli far right. In the West, opposition is restricted to activists on the political fringes of the extreme left and right.

However, too much of American policy continues to be in disharmony with this policy consensus. On the positive side, recent months have witnessed unprecedented agreement between the Obama administration and Congress. Longstanding congressional supporters of Israel have clearly stated that the two-state solution serves American and Israeli strategic interests. They have, accordingly, supported the administration’s early efforts to lay the foundations for renewed peace talks and to build the institutions of a Palestinian state.

On the negative side, however, the old zero-sum attitudes – in which a gain for one side is seen as an inevitable loss for the other, and more energy is spent on scoring debating points than on reaching solutions – continue to dominate the relationship between the Palestinian and Israeli governments. They also continue to dominate the relationship between Arab and Jewish communities and organizations in the United States.

This dissonance between stated goals and actual behavior is at the heart of the difficulties facing the Obama administration in its effort to resolve the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. These must be overcome.

While professing a common objective, America’s Arab and Jewish communities have thus far avoided creating a cooperative dynamic. Cross-community cooperation has only been established among a fraction of organizations, while the center of gravity remains largely adversarial. The language of delegitimization and the constant search for “proof” of the other’s bad faith still define most rhetoric about the Arab-Israeli conflict, to the detriment of accomplishing what both communities say they want.

This might be an understandable (albeit profoundly destructive) dynamic between two foreign parties that are struggling to find a way out of a painful, active conflict. But it has no place in the American domestic political scene, in which the national interest in resolving this conflict must be paramount.

As the Obama administration forges ahead with building an international coalition for peace, a domestic coalition for a two-state solution needs to be created in this country. Its core purpose must be to communicate to political leaders, especially in Congress, the breadth of the coalition in favor of peace based on two states and the depth of commitment that it embodies. Members of Congress and other public figures need to be provided with sufficient support to truly embrace this approach, and to be confident that it comes at a political benefit and not a cost.

Such a coalition needs to crystallize around a nucleus of Arab and Jewish organizations. These two communities have the highest emotional and political stakes in a resolution of the conflict and the most detailed knowledge of the Middle East. Other Americans naturally look to them for leadership.

In addition, because of their deep personal and political relationships with Palestinians and Israelis respectively, these two communities are best positioned to support the administration’s efforts to bring the parties together for peace talks to ultimately end both the conflict and the occupation.

A Jewish- and Arab-led coalition for peace can also demonstrate the commitment of the closest friends of the parties in the region to achieving a two-state agreement. It would show that these two communities – both in the US and in the Middle East – can work together to further their mutual interests. Differences in nuance and emphasis – both within and between these two communities – are natural and healthy, as they foster debate and encourage new, creative ideas. The aim should not be to stifle such diversity, but rather to create the largest possible constituency for a peace agreement.

Such a coalition needs to be wide enough to encompass all organizations advocating a two-state solution, even if they have differences over why they support it, how to best reach this goal, or even how to define it with precision. What is needed is a vehicle through which Arabs, Jews and other interested Americans can ensure that the sum-total of their efforts supports the overriding national security issue at stake.

All of us who want to end this conflict must now band together in common cause, shed outmoded and counterproductive attitudes, and give the necessary political support to leaders on all sides who are serious about achieving a solution. The time has come for our politics to finally be aligned with our shared policy goals.


Ziad Asali is president of the American Task Force on Palestine, and serves on Search for Common Ground’s Middle East advisory board. THE DAILY STAR publishes this commentary, which first appeared in The Forward, in collaboration with the Common Ground News Service (www.commongroundnews.org).

Which Way Forward for Palestinian Liberation? One state or two? A discussion with Hussein Ibish and Joel Kovel about Israel/Palestine


Which Way Forward for Palestinian Liberation?

One state or two? A discussion with Hussein Ibish and Joel Kovel about Israel/Palestine and the way forward.

Host:
Type:
Network:
Global
Date:
Tuesday, February 23, 2010
Time:
7:00pm - 9:00pm
Location:
Street:
1414 East 59th Street
City/Town:
Chicago, IL


Description

Hussein Ibish is a senior fellow at the American Task Force on Palestine and is the executive director of the Hala Salaam Maksoud Foundation for Arab- American Leadership. Ibish has written for several newspapers, including the Los Angeles Times, the Washington Post and the Chicago Tribune and was the Washington, DC correspondent for the Daily Star (Beirut). Ibish will discuss his recent book, What's Wrong with the One State Agenda? Why Ending the Occupation and Peace with Israel is Still the Palestinian National Goal.


Joel Kovel
is professor emeritus of social studies at Bard College, editor in chief of Capitalism Nature Socialism, a scholarly international journal of eco-socialism & eco-feminism, and author of several books including White Racism and The Enemy of Nature. He will be discussing his most recent book Overcoming Zionism: Creating a Single Democratic State in Israel/Palestine.


Hosted by the University of Chicago Platypus Affiliated Society. Cosponsored by UChicago Students for Justice in Palestine and the International House Global Voices Lecture Series.

inquiries about this event should be sent to chicago@platypus1917.org

International House
Platypus Affilated Society
http://chicago.platypus1917.org/which-way-forward-for-palestinian-liberation/

Persons with disabilities that may need assistance should contact the Office of Programs & External Relations in advance of the program at 773-753-2274.

Free and Open to the Public.

RSVP online at the Facebook event.


Daoud Kuttab: Fillipo Grandi, a new commissioner intent on defending the rights and living conditions of Palestinian refugees

Fillipo Grandi, a new commissioner intent on defending the rights and living conditions of Palestinian refugees

Published by Daoud Kuttab at 1:28 pm under Articles

Fillipo Grandi was clearly prepared for his new mission. Defending and preserving the rights and interests of Palestinian refugees. As deputy commission, the Italian born Grandi was very much versed in the workings of the UN, familiar with his international and local staffs, understood the politics and politicians of the Middle East and knew exactly about the financial health of this international agency.

But despite all the preparedness, Grandi was clearly shocked to what awaited him in Jordan when he made his virgin tour of the region as commissioner general of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency. Grandi visited some of two hundred families living just outside the Baka’a refugee camp in Jordan. Grandi called their situation “appalling.”

Because they are outside the camp, these registered refugees have not benefited from the services provided to refugees living in the registered camp area especially in the are of sanitation or shelter repairs. The new commissioner general ordered immediately to extend the sanitation service to include these 200 families but was clearly at loss as to how to deal with these families other problems. “Jordan is a victim of its own success,” Grandi said in reference to the fact that the stability of Jordan has meant that most contributions coming to Palestinian refugees are earmarked to Gaza or the West Bank or Lebanon, but not to Jordan. The new commission said that he plans to set up a special fund which he hopes he can raise the needed funds for that will focus on pockets of poverty for refugees in Jordan and Syria.

For months later in ‘09 and early in ‘10, Fillipo, as he is known by his colleagues, was in the dark whether he will or will not be named the new commissioner to fill in the position of Karen Abu Zayed. All indications were pointing out that he will be chosen as the leader of the UN humanitarian organization, but the delay in announcing the official decision from New York took for ever. In November Mr. Grandi’s term as deputy commissioner of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency ended without any clarity. He packed his bag and left not knowing whether he will come back or not.

The decision took so long that rumors started to circulate including those questioning the qualification of Grandi. The delay was so long that the secretary general was forced to ask the outgoing Commission to stay on for three more weeks in January.

While unhappy with the delay, Grandi tried to reflect on what he saw as the silver lining in it. The Secretary General had vowed to scrutinize all appointments and in the end his decision means that I succeeded a rigorous process, Grandi told me during an extensive interview in UNRWA’s Jerusalem office.

Soon after the announcement in January, the new commissioner made a visit to Egypt, Jordan and Gaza.

In Egypt Grandi met with the Arab League Secretary General who is also the rotating head of the UNRWA advisory board. Amr Mousa was very supportive to the work of UNRWA and repeated the commitment of Arabs to the UN agency caring for Palestinians. Grandi says that Arab support for Palestinian refugees through UNRWA has dramatically increased in recent years. In 2009, the Arab contribution to UNRWA’s overall income (General Fund, emergency appeals and construction projects) rose exceptionally to 10%, thanks mainly to a good response to the Agency’s Gaza appeals, in particular a generous $34 million donation by the Amir of Kuwait and a number of donations by non-governmental humanitarian establishments such as the Saudi Committee for the Support of the Palestinian People and the UAE Red Crescent. Saudi Arabia also generously pledged $25 million towards the reconstruction of Nahr El Bared Camp in Lebanon.

The Arab League Ministerial Council reconfirmed in 2009 the need to increase general support to UNRWA. This was a recall of earlier decisions, first made in 1987, calling on members to increase their contributions to a level of 7.8% of UNRWA’s budget. Donor contributions to the General Fund in 2009 were $452 million. $7 million of that was provided by Arab donors (1.5%).

Grandi is aware of the reason for Arab reluctance in supporting UNRWA, namely that Arabs feel that the solution of the refugee issue is allowing them to return and therefore western countries (which many countries hold responsible for the prolongation of this issue) should bear the brunt of the budget of UNRWA.

Nevertheless, Amr Mousa, who Grandi feels is totally supportive of UNRWA’s work invited Fillipo Grandi to the next Arab summit to be held in Libya in March so that he can lobby personally senior officials and Arab heads of state. The previous Commissioner attended the last summit in Doha, Qatar but that produced little change in Arab support for the general fund.

The situation in Gaza was and will continue to be the main source of Grandi’s attention. The new commissioner was quoted in Al Quds daily as saying that the rights of refugees are violated every day. When asked to detail he pointed out that the siege on Gaza is “ collective punishment” and he concluded that all Gazans and not just the refugees are being denied their right of a normal life. “The closure is a violation of human rights. Not allowing Gazans access to goods that sustain life and allow them to pursue normal life is therefore a clear violation,” he said. Grandi’s number one priority from the Israelis is permission to allow building material in order to start the process of rebuilding homes and offices that were destroyed in the Israeli war on Gaza.

For the first time, Israel gave the United Nations $10 million dollars to compensate losses as a result of the Israeli attacks, mostly for the destruction of medicines when UNRWA’s warehouses were hit. Grandi noted that receiving this amount doesn’t signify Israeli admission of responsibility nor does it end the UN’s demand for accountability from the Israelis. “The UN has repeatedly demanded compensation every time the Israelis have caused loss of life or goods and the Secretary General has and continues to insist on accountability,” he said.

When asked if his tough position with the Israelis will hurt UNRWA’s need for cooperation with the Israelis Grandi turned practical. “We negotiate every day with Israelis especially on the need to import materials into Gaza and the problem of movement of our staff between the West Bank and Jerusalem.,” he said. But Grandi insists that he is committed to ‘objectivity’ in his direct talks with the Israelis.

While the Israelis have not budged much with the UN agency, the Lebanese apparently have changed a lot in recent years. “For decades, the Lebanese have refused to allow us to talk about the need to improve conditions in the refugee camps for fear that this was contribute to tawteen” said Grandi a reference to the fear of Lebanese that refugees will become citizens of Lebanon. But while the Lebanese have opened up on improving camp conditions in Ein al Hilweh and Burj al Barajneh and other camps, they still have limited the ability of Palestinian refugees much access to employment.

The rebuilding of the Nahr al Bared refugee camp is finally back on track after much delays the latest of which was worry that the new buildings might ruin some archaeological finds.

Grandi whose previous post was deputy commissioner general pointed proudly to the results of the micro enterprise work that UNRWA has initiated. By the end of 2009, the programme had financed 194,000 loans worth USD 218.50 million. By the end of 2010 it will have financed more than a quarter of a billion dollars in microfinance loans. Grandi boasted that 2009 was a year of record outreach when the programme financed 28,300 loans worth US$37 million.

As he settles in his office in Jerusalem, where he plans to spend most of his time (unlike his predecessor who made Gaza her home) Grandi has yet to think of any signature programs. He is excited about the need to modernize the UN agency so as to provide better quality relief in accordance to excellent standards. He has high hopes of bringing back high level of education to refugees with the introduction of IT into schools including the additions of thousands of lap tops to refugee children.

But to reach those goals Grandi will not to do a lot more fund raising. A senior western Arabist diplomat will lead UNRWA’s attempts to raise money in the Arab world. Grandi spoke warmly of President Abbas, Prime Minister Fayyad and International development minister Ali Jirbawi and their support to UNRWA’s fund raising demands despite their own needs to run the Palestinian Authority.

If Grandi hopes not to dip into emergency or earmarked funds, he will need all the help he can get to cover the over one hundred million dollars in deficit of the general fund. He will need some of this money to improve conditions of UNRWA’s thousands of local staff who have been protesting their pay scale for months. Local staff have temporarily suspended their protests after small improvements were accomplished. Grandi sympathizes with his local staff and admits that their salaries are not comparable with other UN agencies. “they are comparable to public sector jobs in local governments where they are working,” he said. Grandi admits that salaries dipped below even comparable government jobs, but that with recent adjustments they are equal or higher than any comparable public service job, he insists. He called a recent agreement with Jordan, West Bank, and Gaza staff a “good agreement.” And he hopes that if funds are available that the UN agency will try to improve their conditions even better.

As Grandi rounds up the remaining visits to Syria and Lebanon, Fillipo Grandi was jubilant. “I am truly pleased with the response I felt from my staff. The meetings I gave had were good,” he said.

While day to day rights and interests of Palestinian refugees was clearly the focus of the new commissioner, he understands that the agency he now heads will not exist once the Palestinian cause is resolved. The Palestinian Authority’s efforts for statehood led by prime Minister Salam Fayyad will not render the UN agency redundant according to Grandi. So long as the refugee issues is not resolved our work will continue. The new commissioner general pointed out that what is needed is not simply the resolution of the refugees who fled their West Bank homes in 1967 with the establishment of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders. There are many refugees from the 1948 war and some who were refugees twice or more. Our job will end when the refugee problem, I mean the refugee issue is resolved. Until then we have our work cut out for us, he said.

Susan Abulhawa's Mornings in Jenin


Blog Post » Finally, the Exodus I have been longing for
"After a lifetime of searching for one book that might have a shot at grabbing the heartstrings of American audiences in the same way that Uris did has finally yielded results. I have finally found a book as compelling and well written that will move Americans to recognize the injustices against Christians and Muslims in Palestine, the birthplace of Christianity. That book is Mornings in Jenin."Ray Hanania

Mornings in Jenin by Susan Abulhawa

This is the first English-language novel to express fully the human dimension of the Palestinian tragedy

"Although the novel is written according to Anglo-American conventions, it echoes the poetic prose that is a feature of contemporary Arabic writing. Abulhawa effectively communicates her bubbling joy in what she calls “the dance” of Arabic, pondering the language’s intricate courtesies and imagistic flair." Robin Yassin-Kassab

A heart-wrenching, powerfully written novel that could do for Palestine what The Kite Runner did for Afghanistan


Mornings in Jenin: A Novel by Susan Abulhawa (Paperback - Feb. 2, 2010)
Buy new: $15.00 $10.20 Amazon.com

A 12-year old boy vs. the IDF - News

A 12-year old boy vs. the IDF - News

Monday, February 15, 2010

Citizens of nowhere from Iraq to Chicago by Faten Dabis

AS ALWAYS PLEASE go to the original link to read the story in full- help make it more popular:) Tents collapsing at the Al-Waleed Refugee CampFaten Dabis
Chicago Arab-American Culture Examiner



Citizens of nowhere from Iraq to Chicago

February 10, 4:08 PMChicago Arab-American Culture ExaminerFaten Dabis




Since the dispossession of over 700,000 Palestinians from their homeland in 1948, the Nakba (catastrophe in Arabic) continues. Iraq can now be added to the list of countries that Palestinians are fleeing because of religious and ethnic persecution. Prior to the 2003 U.S. led invasion, approximately 34,000 Palestinians lived in Iraq. Although not allowed citizenship or the right to own assets such as homes or cars, many were born and raised in Iraq and lived comfortably with access to jobs, healthcare and education.

After 2003, however, Palestinians have faced evictions, threats, harassment, kidnapping, torture and murder. Perceived as having been favored under Saddam Hussein’s regime, some in Iraq are now punishing Palestinians for the misdeeds of the former dictator. As such, countless lives, both Palestinian and Iraqi, have been lost to the senseless violence that has plagued Iraq since George W. Bush decided to invade the country in search of weapons of mass distraction.

Facing threats and persecution from within and having no protection from the new U.S. backed government, scores of Palestinians have decided to flee their homes in Baghdad. Many left with the hope of being able to relocate to neighboring Syria or Jordan. However, most were denied entry into either country. Abandoned by their Arab neighbors, terrified of going home to Baghdad and forbidden their right to return to their ancestral homeland, many of these refugees ended up living in the camps for three plus years.

Palestinians who fled the violence in Iraq generally ended up in one of several refugee camps. Two such camps were Al Tanaf and Al Waleed. Located on the border of Iraq, Syria and the middle of nowhere, the living conditions in the camps were described as dangerous and squalid. The nearest hospital was over 100 kilometers away and impossible to reach since Palestinians were not allowed to own cars. The paper thin tents would often collapse under the weight of snow or rain. If a fire erupted, entire rows of tents would go up in flames and burn to the ground within minutes often killing children, the elderly or anyone trapped in their path. There was no fire department to call and no water with which to fight the fires.

Lack of a sewage system meant that excrement would flow freely through the camps causing a surge in diseases and infections to the children who had nowhere to play except between the tents. People lived without heat in the winter and without relief from the 100 plus degree temperatures in the summer. Other dangers included scorpions, snakes, sandstorms, a scarce water supply and malnutrition.

Recently, various aid agencies began evacuating the refugee camps. Some families were relocated to yet another refugee camp. The more fortunate families have been relocated to various countries around the world including Norway, Sweden, Canada, Romania and the U.S. On February 1st, the UN closed Al Tanaf. Some stories ended with hope while others became refugees again. Several families were relocated right here to Chicago. Having little control over their own fate or that of their children, these families have been brought here with nothing to speak of. They are in need of everything from household products to food, fare cards and more than anything, jobs. Anyone wishing to donate or help can do so on Amazon.com or by contacting the author.

A litigator by background, Faten is passionate about human and civil rights and social justice. She is a graduate of Purdue University and DePaul University College of Law. She is a part-time adjunct who enjoys quality time with family and friends, Chicago's restaurant scene, outdoor festivals and different cultures and cuisines. Faten can be reached at fatendabis@yahoo.com

No Democracy For the Oppressed By Joharah Baker for MIFTAH


Date posted: February 15, 2010
By Joharah Baker for MIFTAH

Average Israelis can no longer play the "dumb" card anymore. The lame excuse of "Oh really? I didn't know," just doesn't fly. Why? Because, barring the (rightful) rants of Palestinians there are rising international voices that are telling the terrible truths about this conflict. What's more, against the grain of Israel's core, there are Israelis who can no longer stay silent, who feel responsible for what their country does, like any responsible citizen should.

No, the excuse of ignorance is completely unacceptable, even as the establishment of Israel fights tooth and nail to keep the growing voices of protest down. But when a proud Israeli whose only "sin" is to support her fellow Israelis who speak their opinion, is duly fired from her job like Naomi Chazan was, this proves that truths are being told, even in Israel.

It is becoming increasingly unfathomable to think anyone would consider Israel as a full-fledged democracy anymore. Too much evidence points to the contrary. Perhaps for its Jewish citizens it is as much of a democracy as possible, but like the Americans say, "The buck stops here."

The latest discharge of Naomi Chazan from her decade-old columnist position in the Israeli daily The Jerusalem Post is just one of many examples of how Israel only embraces true democratic values when those values fall in line with its own ideologies. The funny thing is that Chazan is hardly anti-Israel or anti-Zionist. Once a Knesset member representing Meretz and now president of the New Israel Fund, Chazan is merely a critic of some of Israel's ways. The fact that NIF was accused of funding several organizations that supposedly aided the charges against Israel in the Goldstone report, prompted, not only a vicious ad run in the Jerusalem Post depicting Chazan as a horned dragon being slain by Israel founder Theodor Herzel, but also landed her jobless through a single email sent to her while overseas.

If only the evidence stopped at Chazan, one would chalk the incident up to bad judgment or kowtowing to right-wing bullies. However, it is a trend, albeit a disturbing one, that repeatedly points to Israel as a country with little or no tolerance for any ideas that show the slightest sign of criticism of the state, or worse, that show any sort of compassion for the Palestinians.

This applies to Israelis, such as the likes of Haaretz journalist Amira Hass, or Jews of other nationalities, such as Normal Finkelstein and Richard Falk. Criticizing Israel is just not tolerated and can result in personal harassment or in the case of foreigners, an entry ban at Israel's borders.

However, how can anyone look away from the reality on the ground? The occupation is ubiquitous, invasive and oppressive at every turn. For the average Israeli, it is difficult not to see how oppressive it actually is and once they do see, they have a moral obligation to speak out.

In Jerusalem on February 14, hundreds of Jewish settlers marched through the walled city, holding up large Israeli flags and loudspeakers blaring Hebrew songs. The march, which proceeded largely through Palestinian quarters, was provocative enough given the type of people involved. Young, hostile settlers - many of them armed - were singing, dancing and chanting what seemed to us incomprehensible gibberish, totally indifferent to the fact that others in the city took offense at their very presence. However, what was even worse was the fact that Israeli police and soldiers had cordoned off the main streets to Palestinians until the settler party had passed. Palestinians carrying bags and babies, little children holding tightly to their footballs lest they fall beyond the police barricade and men nonchalantly smoking cigarettes, waited patiently for the narrow roads to open so they could just go home. Meanwhile, the celebrating settlers would occasionally look across the barricades at us Palestinians and raise their fists in what could only be a defiant sign of self-proclaimed superiority. We, the oppressed, could do nothing but turn away. Not only were these settlers and the soldiers who protected them indifferent to the fact that people's lives had been put on hold without warning but they were basking in the assurance that this was possible only because they were Jewish Israelis.

This is no democracy for all, that's for sure. The growing group of Israeli soldiers who refuse to serve in the occupied Palestinian territories know this for a fact and have been duly punished for it. Hundreds of soldiers to date have been imprisoned for refusing to serve in Palestinian areas. These soldiers are Israeli and say they would do anything to protect their country. Any soldier in a democratic country would say the same. However, occupation runs contrary to democracy as does oppression and racism.

This is why Israelis, Americans and anyone else for that matter can no longer use the excuse of "not knowing" to justify their support for Israel's occupation of Palestinians. Israel cannot be called a free democratic country as long as it continues to subjugate Palestinians to its military control. In the face of global calls for democratization, let this one truth be heard: there is nothing democratic about oppression.

Joharah Baker is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.


Sunday, February 14, 2010

"The young reformers today “do not have a compelling story to tell,” remarked Lahcen Haddad, a political scientist at Rabat University in Morocco. “And they face a meta-narrative” — first developed by Nasser and later adopted by the Islamists — “that mobilizes millions and millions. That narrative says: ‘The Arabs and Muslims are victims of an imperialist-Zionist conspiracy aided by reactionary regimes in the Arab world. It has as its goal keeping the Arabs and Muslims backward in order to exploit their oil riches and prevent them from becoming as strong as they used to be in the Middle Ages — because that is dangerous for Israel and Western interests.’ ”

Today that meta-narrative is embraced across the Arab-Muslim political spectrum, from the secular left to the Islamic right. Deconstructing that story, and rebuilding a post-1979 alternative story based on responsibility, modernization, Islamic reformation and cross-cultural dialogue, is this generation’s challenge." Thomas Friedman

Saturday, February 13, 2010

Middle East Peace: UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon calling for the prompt resumption of political talks and the swift delivery of concrete results

Roadblocks remain in quest to achieve Middle East peace, says Ban

12 February 2010 – Daunting challenges remain in the search for lasting peace in the Middle East, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said today, calling for the prompt resumption of political talks and the swift delivery of concrete results.

“Permanent status issues, including Jerusalem, borders, refugees, security, settlements and water will be resolved only through negotiations,” Mr. Ban said in a message to the UN-backed International Meeting in Support of Israeli-Palestinian Peace, which kicked off today in Qawra, Malta.

While Israel’s efforts and willingness to resume talks are welcome, he said, returning to negotiations is hampered by developments on the ground, including continued settlement expansion in the occupied Palestinian territory.

“At this crucial juncture, Israel should refrain from taking steps which have the potential to prejudge negotiations and create tensions,” especially in East Jerusalem, where settlements are expanding and Palestinians are being evicted, the Secretary-General’s message – read out by Assistant Secretary-General for Political Affairs Oscar Fernandez-Taranco – stressed.

Mr. Ban also welcomed the Palestinian Authority’s reform efforts to set up the economic, social and institutional basis of statehood, but it must also meet its other obligations under the Roadmap in full, “including an end to incitement against Israel.”

That plan, endorsed by the so-called Quartet, comprising the UN, the European Union, Russia and the United States, is for a two-State solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

He noted that the “protracted suffering” by Gazans is a source of great concern, calling the continued blockade in the area “unacceptable and counter-productive” for obstructing United Nations and others’ efforts to spur civilian reconstruction.

By the same token, the Secretary-General also condemned renewed rocket fire from Gaza, “which indiscriminately targets Israeli civilians.”

The UN, he said, will continue to “try to bring relief to Gazans, to promote dialogue and to rally international support for a strategy that can deliver calm for Gazans and Israelis alike.”

Political will by both sides, along with “creative support” by third parties, is essential to clinch a lasting peace in the region, Mr. Ban stressed.

“Confidence begets confidence; stability begets stability; security begets security; peace begets peace,” he said. “Let us, together, help the parties to resolve their decades-old conflict and forge a comprehensive, just and lasting peace.”

The two-day gathering in Qawra, held under the auspices of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Mediterranean (PAM), will focus on the theme, “The urgency of addressing the permanent status issues – Borders, Jerusalem, settlements, refugees, water.”

Last month, Mr. Fernandez-Taranco warned the Security Council that a climate of mistrust between Israel and Palestinians over settlement expansion, forced evictions, military incursions, rocket fire and the closure of border crossings remains at the heart of the stalled peace process in the Middle East.

“We remain deeply concerned at the current stalemate,” he said during an open debate on the Middle East. “If we cannot move forward decisively towards a final status agreement, we risk sliding backwards, with potentially profound and negative implications.”

My letter PUBLISHED Daily Star 13/02/2010 RE Hussein Ibish “A Palestinian state must be secular”

http://www.dailystar.com.lb/letters.asp?edition_id=10
Reader's feedback published on 13/02/2010

Hussein Ibish
“A Palestinian state must be secular”
February 8, 2010

It was excellent to read Hussein Ibish’s commentary. I very much admire the American Task Force on Palestine as they steadfastly inspire interest in a real Palestine – a sovereign Palestine, a peaceful Palestine, a reasonable Palestine where real Palestinians can live and work free of Israeli occupation.

Anne Selden Annab
Pennsylvania, United States
Growing Gardens for Palestine

To Palestine with Love - Najwa Kawar Farah; Paperback Book Available for Pre-order



To Palestine with Love - Najwa Kawar Farah; Paperback
Condition: New
Available for Pre-order


Editorial Reviews

Product Description

Author and illustrator Najwa Kawar Farah, who is 86 years old in 2009, relates emotions of love, grief and longing in this moving collection of poetry. Najwa's life experience in Palestine and the Middle East provided her with the political, historical, and socio-cultural milieu from which she draws and develops her characters.

Most of her protagonists are Palestinians, mainly 'ordinary' people especially refugees uprooted from their homes and homeland, who seek answers to their individual and collective historical predicament. Many of these protagonists are resilient women, who in addition to their political oppression encounter social discrimination. Her stories and novels come in eleven collections in Arabic. A number of them have been translated into English, Hebrew, Danish and Finnish.

About the Author

Najwa Kawar Farah is a Palestinian writer who has been contributing to the Palestinian and Arabic literature for several decades. The bulk of her publications are short stories, novels and poems. Najwa was born in Nazareth and lived in Haifa until 1965, and then in two West Bank cities, Jerusalem and Ramallah. Najwa also lived in Lebanon, the UK and presently resides in Canada. Her collection of entertaining folktales came directly from people that Najwa met in Palestine in the 1940's.


Najwa Kawar Farah - A Personal Voyage

www.najwafarah.com